I beg your pardon, Mr Speaker, Sir, I never expect this co-operation from the Opposition. He said, "Do we want peace or war'? Please answer that'?" Well, I answer. I want peace; the P.A.P. wants peace; Singapore wants peace: Malaysia wants to settle it by peace. And he still has not answered. Do you want confrontation to succeed or to fail? Now, Mr Speaker. Sir, I put it to the House that the position of the Barisan Sosialis is a very simple one. They want Singapore to fail, Malaysia to be ruined by confrontation. They want the Indonesians to succeed in their policy of confrontation to break up Malaysia. It is obvious. If that is not their policy, why do they not say so? A simple answer to a simple question. Mr Speaker, Sir, the reason is self-evident other than to their own wicked, violent, perverted minds. Now, when we say we want to settle it in peace, we are honest about it. We know that, as a military power, Indonesia cannot be laughed at. They spend 75 per cent of their budget on the Army, Navy and the Air Force. They have more than 450,000 people under arms. They have more than 30 jet bombers and more than 90 MIG.21s. This is a formidable force. Luckily their Navy is no good, Mr Speaker, Sir, I mean, if their fleet breaks down, they cannot repair it. Apart from that, this is no laughing matter. This is a country with a tremendous punch if it comes to war. We do not want war, Mr Speaker, Sir. Why should we want war? We want to settle it peacefully. But we are not going to be bullied and pushed around into a dishonourable settlement. When the Indonesian Government and their leaders realise and accept Malaysia as a fact of international life and that they cannot, either by peace or by war, destroy Malaysia, then that is the time they will talk reason. And they are not going to talk reason, Mr Speaker, Sir, when they believe they have traitors in our country who can help them to destroy the State, to terrorise the people, and to bring this country under their sovereignty. And here these people talk about neo-colonialism. What do they mean by neo-colonialism? This is a subject which they have discussed for a long time, repeatedly saying that Malaysia is a neo-colonialist plot. In the course of the Budget debate, when my colleague, the Minister for Culture, embarked on the political issues behind the Budget, you called him up repeatedly and said that he should come down to the financial aspects. And, if I may say with respect, Mr Speaker, Sir, when the gentlemen opposite repeatedly called Malaysia a neo-colonialist plot, an imperialist instigation, you did not call them to task. I can understand, Mr Speaker, Sir, that you are trying to be fair. You are a member of the P.A.P. and therefore since we elected you as Speaker you consider that you must be more than fair to the Opposition. And I think you have been more than fair to the Opposition. These are the people who say, "Malaysia is a neo-colonialist plot." Why do they say "Malaysia is a neo-colonialist plot"? What evidence have they got? What arguments have they got? Is it the British base here? These people want the British base to close down. But their predecessors, Mr Woodhull and Mr James Puthucheary, were on wining and dining terms with Lord Selkirk. They assured Lord Selkirk at that eventful tea-party, "We will protect your bases so long as you allow us to bring down the P.A.P.". These are the people. British bases? Who want the British bases here? They are here by agreement between the elected Government of Malaya and the elected Government of Britain. Both Governments see an identity of interests in preserving British military power here. I make no apologies for that. As my colleague, the Minister for Labour, has said, "Close down British bases and you are faced with 450,000 Indonesian troops, 30 jet bombers, 90 jet fighters." And the Navy, of course. Their navy can still move, although it is not very efficient. Now, how do you beat them? Will the Barisan join up and register? Will they say now, "I sacrifice my life to defend Malaysia's integrity against an imperialist power that is trying to capture Malaysia by force of arms"? Or do they think the Indonesians are so reasonable that nothing will happen? When the power vacuum is withdrawn, then Dr Subandrio says, "Yes, you are my friends. I will help you." This is mad talk, Mr Speaker, Sir, utterly mad talk! And they know it; they deliberately want a power vacuum to be created in this territory. I can tell them: any time the elected Government of Malaysia says, "Close down the British bases", then at that moment the British bases are closed down. The Government of Malaysia, as the Government of Singapore, is elected by the people. If they campaign on the platform of closing down British bases, and they form the government in Singapore, and most important in Kuala Lumpur, then the British bases must close down. That has happened before. So long as you close down British bases, there will be no jobs. They go out. There is no question of the British imposing their bases on this country. It is a simple fact of international politics. We find these bases necessary and useful to us at the present moment. In the future they must go. Everyone agrees with that. And, Mr Speaker, when the bases go, then you have to build a big Army, a big Navy and a big Air Force, costing not hundreds of millions of dollars but thousands of millions of dollars. Here in this Budget we are devoting something like $40 million as our contribution to the Malaysian defence forces, to the Malaysian Parliament, to Malaysian external affairs. And the Member says that is to oppress the people! The trouble with the Barisan is that they think they are the people. The soldiers are to oppress the people; the soldiers are to oppress the Barisan. That is what they think. The police are to oppress the people; the police are to oppress the Barisan. The prisons are there for the people; the prisons are there for the Barisan. If that is their definition of "people", I accept that definition in this context. But how on earth can the Barisan, in heaven's name, claim to speak for the people? We had a referendum, and they lost out miserably. They were not satisfied; we had a general election. Their Party Chairman said, "All the P.A.P. Ministers will lose their deposits. The P.A.P. will be out, and the Barisan will be in. We will have an overwhelming landslide victory. The people want us." What happened? The people rejected them and we now have a miserable crowd in front! How can they presume to speak for the people? Now, Mr Speaker, Sir, another thing before I leave the question of confrontation. All these people have said that it was very wrong for the Tunku, Tun Razak and the people in Kuala Lumpur to scold Soekarno and Subandrio and that it was wrong to call them names and burn their images. They said, "How can we have a peaceful settlement if these things happen?" So they criticised the Tunku and Tun Razak. But worse things are happening in Jakarta. Why do they not say something about them? Why do they not say that Soekarno must also not insult us, that the Indonesians must not have anti-Malaysia riots and burn the property of the Malaysian Embassy there? Why do they not say that? No, Mr Speaker, Sir. Whatever Indonesia says is right; whatever Malaysia says is wrong. Champions of the people! They call themselves genuine Malaysian patriots! Mr Speaker, Sir, if this sort of thing happens, say, in a well ordered society, these characters could be charged with treason and put into gaol under the law. And then when we tell them that they are anti-nationals, they say, "How can that be? We are patriots." Utter madness! They are out not only to sell out the country, but they are not clever enough to disguise their evil design. Now, Sir, the effects of confrontation. The Barisan Sosialis said that our economic defence programme to give two-thirds pay to the workers later on is very good. The Member for Paya Lebar said it. But he said that we must consult the non-P.A.P. unions and that after all it is only democratic that we should consult all unions. Now, Sir, if I were a child of six I would believe that sort of nonsense, but I have had enough experience in dealing with the Communist unions. And I say that if I were mad enough to invite these characters and ask them, "How do we run this defence scheme?" I deserve - if I am mad enough - to be locked up in Woodbridge. I know that they would be ganging up, that they would ask for impossible conditions and that they would agitate against the scheme. I know it. I have had experience of this thing. In our long political struggle, we know what the Communists are. They are double-talkers. No reliance at all can be placed on their good faith. We have had clear examples, Mr Speaker. These chaps always say that workers are suffering, unemployment is mounting, and so on and so forth. We knew it. In 1960 I asked Messrs. Lim Ching Siong, S. T. Bani, Sandra Woodhull and Fong Swee Suan about unemployment insurance. I said, "Gentlemen, the unemployment problem is very serious. Let us do something about it." A practical way of reducing the effect of unemployment is to introduce a system of unemployment insurance, so that when the workers are unemployed, they get some income, not by courtesy or by charity, but as of right. You have unemployment insurance in all countries, in developed countries of the West and in countries belonging to the Communist bloc. You have it in Hungary, Russia, Germany, Europe, Scandinavia, America - anywhere. First, when the workers are unemployed, quite often, it is due to no fault of their own. Unlike the Barisan when they instigated people to go on strike, 1,800 workers lost their jobs. The Barisan union called a strike and they failed. [Laughter] The Member for Jurong laughed, Mr Speaker. He has asked a question - how many people were employed in the pioneer industries? He is going to get the answer on Saturday. We do not run away from facts. And when I say that the S.A.T.U. - unions Communist unions - have deprived 1,800 workers of their jobs, I am going to give them a list showing the names of factories, the number of workers, when the strikes took place and what happened. I think when he is confronted with the facts he will be less sceptical and less cheerful than he is now. They want us to consult them on how to save the country from economic confrontation when it is their desire to see the country go down and ruined by enemy economic action. Yes, Sir, Lim Ching Siong - I have just started and I must end up - they would not agree. We said that we would get the employers to make a contribution and that the Government would also make a contribution. We asked, "Would the trade unions co-operate?" We received no co-operation. They did not want an unemployment insurance scheme in Singapore. Mind you, we have had several experts who came here and said, "Do not have unemployment insurance. It is too expensive." But we said, never mind the expense, although I am the Finance Minister. But on this score, I said, "We have a real problem to meet. We will have unemployment insurance. Never mind the expense. Never mind the priority." We asked, "Are you willing to co-operate?" Nothing, Mr Speaker, Sir. They do not want to relieve the distress of the working class because, as my colleague said, the more the distress the stronger their political influence. So for them to say that we should take them into their confidence and get the so-called pro-Communist unions to work this economic defence scheme is a proposal so ludicrous that I would not even waste one second to decide what I should do.