Mr Chairman, Sir, in rising to support the amendment moved by my hon. Friend, I wish to make it quite clear, beyond any reasonable doubt, that we of the Progressive Party reluctantly but firmly agree with the main principles contained in the seven Bills before us in the Committee stage today, subject to the amendments we have tabled. I say "reluctantly", because it is a tragedy that such legislation should be required at all. I trust that I am not being irrelevant in saying once again that we would have preferred to see the Emergency Regulations retained and not embodied in the ordinary laws of this country, for one salient reason: that Regulations which are extraordinary, and which are repugnant for the very reason that they are extraordinary, should come up for periodical review by this Assembly, for the Government to render an account of its stewardship in respect of them, and for the elected representatives of the people to decide whether or not the Government have made out a case for their continuation. However, the hon. Members opposite have decided otherwise. Their majority have carried the day, and our task as a responsible Opposition Party, having accepted the principle of this Bill as an unpleasant necessity, is to seek ways and means to improve it by amendment. I would be willing to agree that my hon. Friends opposite have been at pains to present a Bill which, in some respects, is an improvement on the previous Regulations, and to point out that it is fair and less stringent than those in force in India, Pakistan and Burma; but these arguments are, to a large extent, nullified if a Bill, which it is agreed is of a temporary nature required for emergency reasons, is to be given a life of three years without any opportunity for periodical review as to its continued necessity. Let me remind the hon. Gentlemen opposite of one thing. They were, Sir, of the opinion - to use the Hon. the Chief Minister's own words - that they could "sweep away the entire structure of the Emergency Regulations", although for years the permanent Executive had been giving good and convincing reasons every three months why they were essential to the peace and good order of this country. They have had the candour to admit that they were wrong, and, in fairness, we must commend that candour; but in view of this, is it reasonable for a popularly-elected Government to swing almost to the other extreme and ask for debate on their operation of these two new Ordinances to be put in cold storage for three years? The dangers of such a length of time should be obvious. We of the Progressive Party are anxious to ensure that the people of this country - and by that I mean the 95 per cent law-abiding good citizens of this country - are reminded at regular intervals that these laws have been enacted for a particular purpose to fight a particular battle. We cannot say too firmly and too often that these Emergency Regulations, or rather laws, as they will now be, are intended to protect all law-abiding citizens who have nothing whatever to fear from them. If the people are not regularly reminded of this truth, many will, through ignorance and inability to think clearly for themselves, become a prey to the insidious propaganda of the Malayan Communist Party, or of the travelling circus of tub-thumpers of the People's Action Party who try to hoodwink the unwary into thinking that they are being oppressed. On this ground alone, therefore, I think that the Government will be making a grave mistake if they reject our amendment and refuse to have their actions weighed and examined at the end of a year, so that the ordinary man-in-the-street can be reminded of the dangers which surround him, if these dangers still exist, as I fear they may well be. Let me turn to another point. Nobody on the Government Benches will disagree with me when I say that these Bills before us are no better than limited preventive measures - not measures designed to remove the evil influences that are in our midst - but only to hold them in check. To revert to an old saying - Cure is better than prevention in the grave problems which face the Government. And we are entitled to ask this: If we give the Government carte blanche for three years to use these preventive measures, what guarantee have we that curative measures will not be neglected? What better guarantee could we have but that this House, and through this House the people, should be informed at least once a year of what positive curative measures the Government is adopting to cleanse the body politic? By demanding, Sir, an annual review of this Bill, we want to ensure not merely that the Government is operating it fairly and justifiably, but we also want to ask what positive measures they have taken to render its continuation unnecessary at the earliest possible moment. The Hon. the Chief Secretary has said that it is hoped that the measures would only be for a limited period during which the citizens of Singapore may "learn by experience to distinguish between liberty and licence, between good leaders and bad leaders". This is just the point. An annual review of this Bill will make it necessary for Government to render an account of what positive steps they have taken to educate the people of Singapore into making this distinction. This is something which an Opposition Party has every right to demand of the hon. Members opposite. Let me elaborate this point. Of the famous Four Freedoms which form perhaps the best definition of a free world and a free democratic country, I believe that Singapore is most sorely in need of freedom from fear, freedom from intimidation by gangsters, thugs and their agents, freedom from the threat of the consequence of speaking one's own mind. I believe that if the men and women of this country had the confidence to speak out what they know and what they feel, without threat of reprisals, this island would be turned in a very short time into the sunny happy country which most of us wish it to be. But because intimidation makes this impossible, unfortunately a large percentage of the law-abiding people have an ingrained distrust of all set in authority over them - whether it is the unlicensed threatening authority of the gangster, or the licensed protective sheltering authority of the police force - here again it is necessary to educate the people to learn to distinguish, and a heavy responsibility lies with the first popularly-elected Government to tackle this problem with the utmost resolution. Equally, it is the responsibility of an Opposition Party like ourselves to keep the Government on their toes in this respect. We do not expect this fundamental Singapore problem to be solved in a year or even in the lifetime of one government; but we do ask that we should be given an annual account of what is being done - not in the form of social services or social legislation which is one aspect of it - but in the context of the Emergency Bill, and that we should have the right to criticism if we feel that more effort is needed. Sir, the Hon. the Chief Minister, during his speech on this Bill in this House, in inviting amendments for its improvement, stated: "We would be glad to consider each and every suggestion, and would gladly accept any improvements which do not destroy the basic needs." In the light of this statement, I do not believe that the Government can fail to accept this amendment. Many of the hon. Gentlemen opposite have had the courage to swallow a part of their election platforms - a not too indigestible operation, I hope - and I trust that they will now have the courage and the wisdom to subject their handling of the considerable powers asked for in this Bill to the closest scrutiny of this House in a year's time. I trust that, if by any mischance this amendment is rejected, it will not be because of the threats of the People's Action Party. I hope, Sir, that the hon. Members opposite will not seek refuge in the argument that the anti-social demonstrations of this group prove only too clearly that this Bill is necessary - every sensible citizen knows that - and that we should therefore not quibble about a little matter of two years. I repeat, we wish to support - indeed it is our duty in the interests of Singapore to support - the main principles of this Bill, but we regret that we cannot go all the way with the Government on this particular measure, because we feel very strongly of the correctness of our stand. Let it also be noted that we do not ask for a three-month period but a halfway house of one year, because we consider that the Ordinance must have that much life. My constituents in the rural area in the Tanglin Division - and they by far outnumber those in the residential area - are in favour of this Bill so long as there are safeguards and so long as, in other words, it protects them and can be seen to protect them. I understand this to be true of my colleagues in their constituencies, as I have no doubt it is true of the majority of the constituencies, though I have also no doubt that the constituencies of Tanjong Pagar and Bukit Timah must be entirely different. It so happens that the Tanglin Division borders that of Bukit Timah for a considerable distance along the Bukit Timah/Clementi Roads, and if the people on each side of the border think so differently, I can only suppose - though I have not seen it - that there must be a fence along it, or perhaps one of those nice new non-anti-Communist curtains! No doubt, the hon. Member will enlighten us. But, because the kampong dwellers in Tanglin think as they do, I want them to continue to be convinced and not to be misled. Let us remember not only that the price of peace is eternal vigilance, but also that the test of just and democratic government is eternal vigilance. Without vigilance there can be no peace and no democratic government. Not only, Sir, must the Government opposite watch their own handling of the considerable powers this Bill gives them, but they must give the Opposition the fullest opportunity to share their watchfulness. Only in this manner can the rights of the people and the way of democracy be served.