Hansard, 1957-03-05

The following Members have, under the provisions of subsection (3) (i) of section 47 of the Singapore Colony Order in Council, 1955, obtained from the Speaker permission to be or to remain absent from meetings of the Assembly: Mr David S. Marshall - two days, 5th and 6th March, 1957. Mr Seah Peng Chuan - two days, 5th and 6th March, 1957.

The Chief Minister (Mr Lim Yew Hock): Mr Speaker, Sir, I have the Governor's consent to move, and I do now hereby move the motion standing in my name, namely, That this Assembly approves the recommendations of the All-Party Conference, as set out in Sessional Paper No. Misc. 1 of 1957, and on the principles therein set out instructs the All-Party Mission to secure from Her Majesty's Government for the people of Singapore the status of a self-governing state with all the rights, powers, and privileges thereto appurtenant in all internal affairs and the control of trade, commerce and cultural relations in external affairs. Sir, before I proceed any further, I would like to draw the attention of hon. Members to an error on page 3, paragraph 13 (c) , line 3 - the word "three" should read "two". Sir, the terms of the motion are clear. We are seeking complete internal self-government and not independence. We maintain and maintain with all vigor that the people of Singapore have the inalienable right to self-determination and to deny them this right will be tantamount to a breach of faith on the part of Her Majesty's Government. We want to remain friends with Britain, but our dignity as equals must be recognized. A new chapter in the relationship between Britain and ourselves is being written and this chapter can be a happy one of healthy and fruitful co-operation if the Mission succeeds. The other picture I hesitate to paint. But the hand that holds the brush is not, in Singapore but in London. The All-Party Mission to London is all set to leave tomorrow on its quest for a new Constitution for the people of Singapore. It seeks sustenance from the unanimous support of the people's representatives in this Assembly on the principles enunciated in the White Paper, which is its blueprint for a self-governing Singapore. The Members of the All-Party Mission are drawn from delegates to the All-Party Conference, and I take heart from the unity of purpose displayed in the conference that the All-Party Mission will be a united force fully conscious of the task before them and pledged to do their best for the people of Singapore. The unity of our voice in this Assembly on this national issue will provide the fuel with which the All-Party Mission will steer the ship, the "State of Singapore", safely into port. I do not wish to give the impression that all will be plain sailing. We are bound to encounter rough weather, but we will not flounder nor founder, for team-work will pull us through. Sir, I do not propose to go into detail on all the items in the White Paper, as most of them are self-explanatory and do not require elucidation. Moreover, the White Paper is the result of the labours of the All-Party Conference and ten Members of this Assembly have been closely associated in its deliberations. On page 2, paragraph 8, of the White Paper is the following sentence: "The conference's decision is that the All-Party Mission will not accept anything less than what had already been offered by the United Kingdom Government." Sir, some uncharitable and uninformed people may think that we are going to accept what the last delegation had rejected. This is far from the truth. We are pressing for a Malayan Governor-General, which proposal had not been accepted by Her Majesty's Government during the last talks, and the matter was still being examined by Her Majesty's Government before the talks broke down. We do not propose to accept the Defense and Security Council offered by Her Majesty's Government, and the line that the Mission will take on this all-important issue is set out in paragraphs 9, 10 and 11 on page 3 of the White Paper. Apart from these two major issues, the other recommendations can be found on pages 3 and 4 of the White Paper. Paragraph 8, Sir, page 2, of the White Paper, gives details of Her Majesty's proposals during the last talks on which there had been no disagreement, and the line the Mission will take in London is that these proposals are accepted in principle and that the discussion should be confined to details only. Thus it can be seen that the blueprint of the All-Party Mission is an improvement on the offers of Her Majesty's Government during the last talks. Sir, on the Security Council proposed by us, the set-up includes a Minister from the Federation of Malaya with equal representation by the Singapore Government and Her Majesty's Government. This has been made possible by the fine co-operation of the Federation Chief Minister, Tunku Abdul Rahman, and I would like to express to him in this Assembly the thanks of the people of Singapore. Sir, at the bottom of page 2 of the White Paper, the following appears: "Proposal No. 23. Provision to be made for the creation of a Singapore citizenship on the lines of the proposal in paragraph 9 of the Heads of Agreement circulated by the Singapore Delegation (SCT. (56) 5)." Sir, Her Majesty's Government had agreed in principle to the creation of a Singapore citizenship under a new State of Singapore. Whether the citizenship rights should come into force before the creation of the State of Singapore or after was a question that confronted the All-Party Conference. It was felt that the people affected should enjoy these rights and exercise their votes in the choice of a new Government for the State of Singapore. To achieve this, the conference fully realised that this would mean that it would be impossible for the general elections to take place in August this year to which the Government is committed. The British Nationality Act will require an amendment by the British Parliament. Citizenship laws will have to be introduced in Singapore. A reasonable length of time of, say, one year should be given to persons affected to make application if we really mean them to enjoy these rights. New electoral rolls will have to be prepared under the Legislative Assembly Elections Ordinance. All these take time. I told the All-Party Conference that I did not wish to influence them on this matter, as I did not wish it to be said that the Government was seeking a way out of its promise to hold elections in August this year. In view of the great importance of the matter, the All-Party Conference felt that the All-Party Mission should seek the views of this Assembly and be guided accordingly. I would therefore ask hon. Members to express their views to guide us on the line to take with the Colonial Office on our citizenship proposals. The Government does not intend to ignore its commitments, but is prepared to listen to the views and advice of hon. Members. I must explain the reason that prompted the Government to announce that it would hold elections in August this year under the new Constitution to be secured from Her Majesty's Government. Hon. Members will recollect that the Government took firm action against subversive elements last September and October. This imposed and is still imposing a great strain on my colleagues and me. This is a heavy responsibility, but we are not deterred by it. While we are in office, we mean to govern, and govern in the best interests of the people of Singapore. Under the circumstances, I felt that the Labour Front Coalition should face the electorate as soon as possible under the new constitution to ascertain whether the action the Government has taken has the support of the people of Singapore. In fact, the machinery has already been set in motion to prepare electoral rolls on the basis of the present franchise, and it had been in my mind that as soon as agreement had been reached in London, I would seek an immediate amendment to the Order in Council to give legality to the electoral rolls which would be awaiting publication. I find it imperative that I should say this now to protect the Government against any malicious charges that may be levied in the future should the views of this Assembly necessitate an enforced delay in holding the elections. The Government, Sir, is in favor of giving every opportunity to all persons who will acquire citizenship rights to have a say in the choice of a new government under the new Constitution. But in view of the Government's commitment to hold elections in August this year. the Government will abide by the views of hon. Members. If the consensus of view is for citizenship rights to be introduced ahead of the new Constitution, then the responsibility for delaying the general elections should rest with this Assembly, and the Government should not be blamed for postponing it. Under these circumstances, the date of coming into force of the new Constitution will have to be synchronized with the date of the general elections. Sir, the All-Party Conference considered the joint memorandum received by me from certain communal organizations, and came to the unanimous conclusion that the provision of specially reserved seats for sectional interests was not acceptable to our concept of a fully elected legislature under our constitutional proposals for a State of Singapore. An official invitation was received from the Secretary of State inviting Members of the Mission to be guests of Her Majesty's Government from the date of the Mission's arrival in the United Kingdom until the end of the conference. We are indeed very grateful to Her Majesty's Government for this hospitality, and I trust that while we are enjoying it, we will be able to drink from the cup of success. I do not propose to speak at great length, Sir, nor do I wish to take this opportunity to make a pre-election speech. The fight is not here but in London. I would therefore ask the Members of the Mission to conserve their energy, play their part well and strive to maintain that exhilarating unity which has been displayed by them in the All-Party Conference. Let our thoughts be calm and collected, and let us go with hope in our hearts and no ill words on our lips. In conclusion, Sir, I would like to quote some lines from the great Indian poet Tagore, which it seems to me define our sense of high endeavor in face of the next stage of our political development: Where the mind is without fear and the head is held high; Where knowledge is free; Where the world has not been broken into fragments by narrow domestic walls; Where words come out from the depths of truth; Where tireless striving stretches its arms towards perfection; Where the clear stream of reason has not lost its way in the dreary desert sand of dead habit; Where the mind is led forward by thee into ever-widening thought and action; Into that heaven of freedom, my Father, let my country awake! 10.22 a.m.

Mr Speaker, Sir, as a Member of the All-Party Conference, I rise to second the motion. In Singapore, at the last elections, we had had many people shouting about merdeka. I think that was a misnomer. All that we asked for during last year until now was just self-government. The people of Singapore of course want to govern themselves, to run their own affairs, to be an independent people, to be proud that they are able to handle what should be their own rights. Responsibility in this matter must be shown to the world at large, and the people of Singapore today have shown that. In the matter of independence or self-government, we must not only be able to do the cushy jobs in offices and do just the administrative part of it, but also must be able to rise to the occasion and to sacrifice our property and our lives if necessary, in the interests of the country. Today, the newspapers report that young men of Singapore are conscious of that. The registration of the Singapore Regiment is ample proof that the people of Singapore are ready to shoulder greater responsibility. They are enthusiastic in joining this new Singapore Regiment, which will be the nucleus of a band of people devoted to the country, and will lay down their lives if necessary to defend this country. This is solid proof to the world that we want self-government not only because it brings in the good things, but also we are able to defend ourselves and take on more of the onerous duties. The lines drawn up by the All-Party Conference and the demands that we are going to make in London are well known in Singapore. I think everybody has accepted them. We had more or less the same lines last year but we failed. We failed because of one thing - man had put self-interest first, party interest again in the fore, and national interests at the bottom. I think today all Members of every political party realize that the first interest must be national interest. We go today, Sir, as one unit with one aim, and that aim is that we will fight first and foremost and every time, for national interests. We will do away with party interests. That will come only after we have achieved our national aspirations, and I think we all realize that in a community like this, self should be put last. This year, I think we are going to London with some experience. We have before us the mistakes we committed last year, where one party shouted at another party, ridiculed another party, in a foreign land; so much so that our opposite numbers could pierce through our armor very easily, too easily, and we came back empty-handed. This time, we realize that mistake and I think we will not commit that same error again. We will bring back, as somebody said, the bacon to Singapore. The demands that we have are realistic. We know our limits. We know how far we can go and we demand just the minimum that we should have, and I think we will have that. We have the support of the people behind us solidly. Everyone in Singapore has come to realize that this is an important issue and that everyone in Singapore supports this Mission to the full. With the support of the people, the United Kingdom Government will realise that they are not dealing with a band of five people, but are dealing with a whole mass of 1,250,000 people in Singapore. However, I must say that whatever we ask for this time is only just one step forward. We are only asking for self-government. We are not asking for merdeka, but Singapore cannot stop at that. As the former Chief Minister said, we must grow up, we must make our mistakes, we must fall down, we must pick ourselves up and we must learn by the hard way, but I think we are taking every precaution not to fall and hurt ourselves so much that we end up in the mortuary. We will learn to walk, we will learn to run, but we will take every step to see that whatever we do, we grow from strength to strength. Our next step, of course, will be the real merdeka, as the word should signify, and we want it to be as soon as possible. Sir, you will realize that from the Sessional Paper No. Misc. 1 of 1957, we are going there to negotiate with the United Kingdom for self-government but, within a time limit of four years, we must go back again and negotiate for real independence. The time may come earlier. It may be just three years or two, and I know that as soon as we know our strength, as soon as we know that we are fully equipped for independence, we will go and ask for it. The people of Singapore must work towards this goal, and I know that it will be soon enough it all of us pull our weight together. There are, however, a few timid people in Singapore who are afraid of merdeka. They make representations, they voice their opinions in the newspapers and say that they do not want merdeka. These consist only of a very small section of the people. They are afraid to come out of their cosy holes. They are afraid that things might go wrong. But we have before us our great neighbor, India. She has come out and become an independent nation. She is today one of the leading nations in the world. Everything that is done there is peaceful and progressive, and we know that we certainly will follow that great brother through that road of independence and progress. The Chief Minister mentioned that the Government promised the people elections during August. We realize that it is not possible to have elections at that time if we are going to give the right of vote to the 200,000 people who are eligible to become Singapore citizens. This section of people forms a very important part of Singapore. They have contributed a great deal to the good of Singapore. They are as loyal to Singapore as the local-born. And these people should be given the vote. However, if we are going to achieve that, as the Chief Minister said, this takes time. We agree with him that this takes time, but we say that the time taken should be cut down to a minimum and that elections should be held at the earliest possible moment. Time must be budgetted so that these people have the vote, and that elections can be held as early as possible. Tomorrow we go to London with the unity of purpose and I know that we will succeed. Question proposed. 10.30 a.m.

Mr Speaker, Sir, I rise to support the motion before this House. We all gave our consent to this motion. We all agreed with the White Paper now before the Assembly. I think the terms of the motion is an indication of the great difference this time from last time. I do not claim any credit for this particular resolution, in fact I had very little to do with it. But I did look up the former resolution. The House will forgive me if I were to remind them of the terms of the resolution they passed on the 5th April last year. The resolution first opens with a flourish by a reference to the Washington Declaration of Dwight D. Eisenhower, it said: "That this Assembly, affirms in the name of the people of Singapore, its belief in the principle of 'the basic right of peoples to governments of their own choice', as enunciated in the Washington Declaration signed by Sir Anthony Eden, Prime Minister of the United Kingdom" (now politically deceased) "and President Eisenhower, President of the United States of America, on the 1st of February, 1956", and so on, and winds up by saying: ". . . to seek forthwith for Singapore the status of an independent territory within the Commonwealth, and to offer" (mark you the word, Mr Speaker, 'offer') "an agreement and the Singapore Government of the United Kingdom would in respect of Singapore exercise control over external defence and give guidance in foreign relations other than trade and commerce." Those were fierce words and, I am sorry to say, they did not materialize. Looking back now, I thought - like when the platform collapsed at the famous rally at Kallang - it was a symbolic act of unwisdom of people who did not prepare the ground before they climbed on the platform. However, that is all past history. We go again this time, as the Member for Serangoon has said, with more experience. He will not this time be so befuddled by the London traffic, nor by the habits of the people of London. Like other members of the former delegation had they returned, he would have gone back as a connoisseur of London café life. But the Member for Serangoon is the one man who, although we very often disagree with his political views, we respect for the sincerity with which he holds them. This merdeka conference has been so completely quiet and different from the last. There is no warming up as there was the last time. My Party thought that we should at least have one rally before we depart. And in case we are accused of wanting to demonstrate our own strength and mass support, we suggested that we should hold an all-party rally. But the consternation with which this suggestion was received led us to the conclusion that perhaps, for the sake of all-party unity, we should depart with as little noise as possible. I hope this time, though, when we return with or without success, we shall return with a bang and not with a damp squib of a noise with which the last mission returned. I think it is no secret that we have not only reached agreement to ask for what we have stated in the White Paper in clear and precise terms, namely, no more than complete internal self-government. It is also no secret that we have reached agreement to take united action if the talks should fail. But I do not think that the chances of failure are high. This London Conference will be an anti-climax after the last one. This time, we go there with our demands more clearly defined and soberly, but firmly pressed. Last time there was some uncertainty as to what exactly we were asking for. There were occasions when I heard it mooted that we should join the United Nations because if we get independence and then we give back certain powers and privileges connected with defense and foreign relations, we should be eligible to join the United Nations. I am glad that this time all parties agree that what we are asking for is no more than complete internal self-government, and we are telling the people of Singapore so before we leave so that no one can say that we have not put the facts before them. My Party's stand on this matter is quite clear. My Party says if we want independence we must get merger with the Federation. This is as far as we can go until merger. The next is merger. I said that I believe the coming talks will succeed. I give these following reasons for it: three from the Singapore point of view and the same three from the British point of view. First from the Singapore point of view, our clearly defined demands present to the British something which guarantees their paramount military and strategic needs, and, at the same time give us adequate room for full internal control. Second, there is more sense of cohesion in the All-Party Conference and, I hope, in the delegation. Also, this conference will be led by someone less emotional and flamboyant than our last leader. I am not saying that emotion and flamboyance have not played in the development of nations. But we discovered from the last conference that they were not necessarily the qualities which brought success at the conference table. The third reason is that the British Government knows that if this time it fails, we are agreed on united action when we return. These three reasons looked at from the British point of view mean, first, that the British have now a better appraisal of how much less than full independence she is giving away. Second, they have a better appraisal of the position of the Federation Minister in the defence known as the Security Council in the ratio of three, three, one. It may well be that as Mr Lennox-Boyd indicated at the last talks some arrangements may have been reached between Her Majesty's Government and the Federation Government in their defence treaty about the member from the Federation who will sit on this Security Council of Singapore. But whatever the inner workings of the defence treaty, it is clear that the British Government finds it now palatable, when it was not last year. Thirdly, the same third reason looked at from the British point of view is that last time all that happened was we changed Chief Ministers. This time it is not likely that the Labour Front Coalition Government will survive a defeat of these talks. The Hon. the Chief Minister will remember that he has promised to resign if these talks fail. Try how one will, I do not see how, out of this Assembly of 32 persons; one could form another Government if this Government resigns. Consequently, I consider we have more chances of success than we had the last time. I personally anticipate some difficulty on two matters: one, the question of the expatriate judges and their tenure of office; two, the position of the Governor-General. We do not want to cross our bridges before we come to them. The stand of the All-Party delegation is quite clear and it is in the White Paper. We intend to have our own Judiciary as soon as possible. We intend to have the power to remove judges who have been appointed by the Colonial Legal Service as and when we have the men who can fill their roles. The fight over the Governor-General has become so acute since the U.M.N.O.'s demand as to who should be the first Governor-General that I do not think anybody now would want to let that plum go. However, we are glad that, in spite of all our trials and tribulations, and threats of desertions from the All-Party Conference, we have settled our differences and we hope to go to London as an effective unit. The question which must more engage the minds of the people of Singapore is what happens after the conference if it succeeds. There are two phases of what happens after a successful conference. The immediate one will open with the new elections under the new constitution. The long-term one is where we go to from now to get freedom Sir, I had never believed that there were going to be elections in August. When I heard the Member for Cairnhill (Mr D. S. Marshall) chasing like a terrier after his former Labour Minister to pin him down to a date for elections, I knew that the promise of elections by August was not one which could be fulfilled unless one dropped the citizenship proposals. We were silent then because we wanted to know to what extent internal contradictions within the Labour Front could wreck the Government of the Labour Front. We watched with considerable interest the developments of these internal contradictions and we are sorry today that the Member for Cairnhill is not here to give us his blessings. We were the first to ask for elections - in fact, we asked the Government to face an election at a time when the Government thought it was ungentlemanly to ask it to do so. Once elections were not held then, any student of the Singapore political scene could have added two and two together to say that there would be no elections in 1957 because one cannot get a new constitution and prepare new electoral registers by 1957 unless, as the Hon. the Chief Minister has put it, we use the old electoral registers. That is a suggestion which is bound to be unpalatable and bound to create the greatest consternation and opposition from so many quarters that have long agitated for citizenship. The decision of my Party is that the reputed 200,000 people who would have the right to vote under the new citizenship laws should be put on the register before the next elections. Sir, the length of time required to allow them to register and to prepare the new electoral rolls is a matter which requires more consideration. The Chief Minister has mentioned the period of one year for registration for citizenship, which means, in effect, one year plus a period of at least three further months for the preparation of the registers. I do not think that we have carefully considered all aspects of this administrative problem. I would leave my Party free on the question of the length of time for the time being. We will have to discuss this matter more carefully to see whether it can be done more expeditiously and more quickly. But, on principle, we agree that they should be on the register. The next election is bound to be more far-reaching in consequences. It may wreck the present Government as the last elections did the Progressive Party, because two important alterations to conditions of the political arena have been agreed to, namely, multilingualism and Singapore citizenship. But whatever Government is elected into power in the next elections under the new constitution, it faces two important limitations. First, any policy it carries out which brings on the rancor of the Federation Government can be countered by economic sanctions by the Federation Government. We all know what has happened to the attempts of the Minister for Commerce and Industry to get the tax on soap and biscuits lifted. That is just the beginning of new trends which are bound to emerge as the two Governments become more and more distinct in their outlook and their political identities. No Singapore Government can carry out a fiscal policy which conflicts with that of the Federation without strong economic sanctions being imposed. It is impossible to carry out a revolutionary Socialist programme in Singapore if the Federation Government is of the opinion that that is bad for the Federation and it does not wish to pursue a similar programme there. The second limitation which may not be so immediate but is nonetheless real is the political sanction under the constitution - suspension; and there will be enough British military forces in the country to make suspension of the constitution a practical proposition. The consequences of a suspension may be far-reaching but any Government in power at the next elections would be dishonest if it did not tell the people beforehand that it will have, although there is complete internal freedom, those two limitations on its independence of action within Singapore itself. With this new constitution, we come to the end of one phase of the fight for freedom. The Member for Serangoon (Mr Lim Choon Mong) said that we should prepare and fight on for merdeka but he did not mention how. Presumably, one day when all the people of Singapore have decided that they want merdeka, not internal self-government, we will all shout for merdeka and we will send another All-Party delegation. In the context of the second half of the 20th century South-East Asia, island nations are political jokes. If we want to get freedom, there is no other way out. Let us face the fact that we must make it palatable to the Federation to help us in order to help itself. That is the second phase after the expected successful conclusion of the next talks. We all know that the Tunku and perhaps a number of his colleagues are against merger in no uncertain terms, and they have repeatedly said so. I sincerely believe that they are misguided in believing that separation is the lesser of two evils. It is not said by the Federation Government that merger is bad itself. All they say is that because of certain consequences of merger, they would rather not have one. Sir, the Tunku said that for as long as he is Chief Minister there would be no merger. So unless he changes his mind, it appears to us that we will have to wait till we have a new Chief Minister or perhaps a new Prime Minister. But without wishing to say any thing about the internal politics of the Federation, I would hate to believe that the leaders of the political Parties in the Federation are unable to see that it is better to have Singapore as part of the Federation and under Federation control than outside the Federation and outside its political or military control. For the only control the Federation can have over Singapore is, as I have mentioned, an indirect economic one. A Singapore Government which is prepared to run economic hazards can embarrass the Federation Government no end. In fact on one occasion the Tunku said that, if necessary, he would send troops to occupy Singapore. I think I am right in my recollection that he would send troops, if necessary. Sir, would it not be better to have us as part of the Federation under the control of the Federation without having the necessity to send troops to invade and conquer? We are offering to go into the Federation and we still should offer to go in as a unitary state in the Federation which means that no balance of power in the Federation would be radically upset. I am convinced that whatever happens to the personalities involved in the leadership, the leadership itself must come to realize that the new Federation cannot depend upon the British to keep Singapore under control to prevent it from being an embarrassment to the Federation. So long as the British have troops here and can use those troops effectively, Singapore can, militarily, from the point of view of the shooting war in the Federation, be kept under control and in line with the Federation's tactics and methods. But these leaders must understand that the nationalist feeling in the Federation and the political consciousness of their people of the evils of colonialism are bound to rise more and more to make the Federation more like Egypt than Persia. Muslim countries like Jordan with a King as its head have already written off the British army together with General Gluhb Pasha. We are confident that the leaders of the Federation will understand this, if not now, in the not too distant future. We look forward to the day when there will be men with vision and political grasp, fired by ideals to make this whole region now known as Singapore and the Federation of Malaya one nation. We know that there are proposals to include the Borneo territories. Let them come in at some future date, if they will, for after all, we lose nothing by having, more territories to expand into. But let our two territories get together as soon as possible before vested interests in the two separate independent States become more deep-rooted and make merger and unification more difficult than it is at present. We say to the Federation Government that we wish it all success with its merdeka which is to come soon. But we hope that it will hold the door open to us to join it in the not too distant future on terms and conditions which ensure that there will be no radical change of political forces in the Federation by Singapore joining it. I am convinced that, but for the repeated refusal to consider merger, the Singapore Malays would not have raised the question of special rights and privileges this time. They did not the last time. It is this fear of being cut off from the main population of Malays in Malaya, the fear of the 200,000 Malays in Singapore of not being able to enjoy the protection and comfort of being part of the three million people in the Federation, together with all the unrest that took place last year, that has alarmed them and hence this demand for special rights. Special rights they will have but even more so when they join the Federation. So, we ask them, on behalf of the people of Singapore, to press for merger. 11.01 a.m.

Mr Speaker, Sir, the Member for Tanjong Pagar took the words out of my mouth when he made the remark about the difference in the atmosphere. I was also going to say, "What a difference between last year and now!" There is now no tenseness, no anxiety among the public, and even in this House itself, we can feel the calmness and the confidence with which we are going to face the All-Party talks in London. Last Friday evening, at the conclusion of the All-Party Conference, the People's Action Party made a suggestion that we should have another rally. All the other Parties, having had the experience of last year, poured millions of gallons of cold water to drown that suggestion. We know what they mean by "warming up". They were responsible for the organisation last year. They said that there would be no trouble but when in the process of warming up, trouble and fire started, the leaders were not there. Somebody else had to do the dirty job of putting down the fire. Should we now this year risk the success of our conference in London by holding a silly rally? Is it necessary to have these rallies when we are going to London with all the confidence and the assurance that we shall succeed? Regarding the August elections, we are realists. If we have to postpone a commitment to an election because we have to give 200,000 people the right to vote as and when they are granted such right under the new constitution, then we say, "Postpone the elections." Of course, there should be a limit to the period for postponement and I agree that we should all get together and see that the least possible time should be taken; but when you offer the people, who have lived here for ten years and are prepared to take an oath of allegiance to the State, the right to vote, are you going to keep them for another four or five years to eat the cake that is offered to them? I say no. They should, as soon as the constitution is granted, be allowed to make their choice of the type of government they want. Our Mission leaves our shores confident of success, because we know exactly what we shall ask for, no more, no less. There will be no bickering, bargaining, or attempts to get a little bit more, which was the cause of last year's failure. Yet I must say that the failure was not without its lessons. It has taught us that in the governing of a State, there is no room for emotionalism, excitement and drama. These things only bring confusion, uncertainty and disorder. It has shown us that calmness, reasonableness and confidence is what Singapore wants, to prove that we are ready to be masters of our own fate. We wish our delegates on this All Party Mission god speed and success and to bring us a new constitution granting us self-government as a step towards independence within the Commonwealth. 11.08 a.m.

Mr Speaker, Sir, I think it is hardly necessary for me to add my support to this motion which, after all, is based on the recommendations of the All-Party Conference of which I am a member, and I think it is neither necessary for me to elaborate the merits or demerits of its contents which are more or less similar to the points which have been agreed by all Parties and by Her Majesty's Government with the exception of the composition of the Security Council and the question of the judiciary which has been ably explained by the Member for Tanjong Pagar this morning. However, there are few points to which I should like to draw the attention of the delegates. The first and most important point is the question of citizenship. Although the question of the qualification of citizenship has been agreed by the Parties concerned and in the talks with Her Majesty's Government in London last April, it is the question of implementation that I wish to touch upon. I am sure all the Members in this House will agree with me that it is imperative that those who will obtain citizenship under the new constitution should be allowed to vote in the coming election, although it will mean the delay of the election date. In case there is anyone who is still doubtful of the advisability of granting citizenship or its early implementation, I would like to draw his attention to the fact that these 200,000 people who had come to Singapore, mostly in their younger days, have helped to build up the prosperity of this country. With the exception of the British, they control most of the big concerns in Singapore today. Imagine what a precarious position Singapore would be placed in if these 200,000 people, whose loyalty has always been to this country, were forced by political reasons or circumstances beyond their control to change their loyalty to another country which may be hostile to Singapore, or to an ideology which it is the policy of this country to suppress. In saying this I am not doubting their loyalty to this country. In fact, in the last war with the Japanese, many of them, although they held no franchise in this country, had readily laid down their lives to defend it. Another point is the request by the non-political and communal associations. I am glad that the All-Party Conference have turned down their request. Since they are non-political: or communal, as the name implies, what do they want seats in the Assembly for? Why do they not dare to come out and contest the elections? It is because they know they represent no one but themselves that they have, as usual, to crawl to their colonial masters to get them reserved seats in the Assembly so that they may feel more dignified to give parties to incoming and departing governors. If the question is raised by the Colonial Secretary in London, I hope the delegates will remind him that this is unnecessary because the next Governor-General will be a Malayan. Another question is the early implementation of the question of citizenship. I hope the delegates will discuss with Her Majesty's Government the early implementation of citizenship so as to avoid undue delay in the coming elections, even before the constitution comes into force. With all this goodwill and unity before us today, I am sure this Mission will be a success. 11.14 a.m.

Mr Speaker, Sir, I support the motion and wish success to the Hon. the Chief Minister and his All-Party team in the coming talks. Sir, our demand, as laid down in the White Paper, is for a limited merdeka, that is, internal self-government. Sir, internal self-government means that within your own city you control your finances and carry out things in such a manner as if you run your own house. It does not give us freedom to decide external or foreign affairs or defence, and I am sure the United Kingdom Government will accept our suggestions. They cannot refuse such moderate demands. Even after we have succeeded in obtaining our demands, our status will be much lower than our former sister colonies like Penang and Malacca. They are full-fledged independent territories, but we will not be so. On the other hand, to ask for independence as we did in the last mission, it could not have been possible for the United Kingdom to grant us that because of Singapore's strategic position in relation to the defence of their own economic position and also vis-a-vis Australia. Sir, I am glad that the Member for Tanjong Pagar has, by experience, become reasonable and has toned down his demands to accept a limited merdeka. Now he understands that you cannot get independence immediately. You have got to go step by step. India has done that. Other countries have done that, and I am glad that he sees reason! Sir, Singapore cannot stand on its own feet economically without the co-operation of the Federation. The tariffs imposed by the Federation against Singapore's products will not make our industries flourish at all. If we have to compete in the open market, then we will not be able to compete with foreign imports. Singapore stands on entrepot trade only and that should be protected at all costs. But the easiest way to get independence is to say immediately "Yes" to the Federation. Join them and you will become straightaway free and independent. It will be then a united country including Singapore, and will then negotiate with the United Kingdom about defence or the strategic position of Singapore and how much rights they should have over here. Sir, on the election issue, both the leaders on this side of the House have expressed that it should not be delayed beyond what is necessary, and this question can well be discussed after the success of the merdeka mission. It is no use arguing now. The machinery can be worked out later. Sir, in conclusion, I wish all success to the All-Party Delegation and hope they will return very early after attaining success. 11.19 a.m.

Mr Speaker, Sir, once again. we gather in this House today to give our blessing to the Merdeka Mission which leaves for London. Naturally our thoughts inevitably turn to that first visit when the forces for freedom were, as it were, marshalled for a mass assault on the Secretary of State for the Colonies. That was a historic event that now rightly belongs to history. The second mission to London, Sir, is led by the Chief Minister who is no Napoleon Bonaparte! He is a very cautious man who makes sure that the horse is going to win before he puts his shirt on it! For one thing, the present mission is a very small one. This at least will make for greater manoeuvrability. Secondly, the mission has, as it were, a stronger merdeka platform to sustain it than was the case the last time. At least there is a greater measure of unity about the demands that are to be made in London. These demands, Sir, do not go as far as some of us would wish, but this is the price that has to be paid in the interests of inter-Party unity. The timid have come a little further forward than they were prepared to, and the bolder ones have retreated a little to meet them. The attitude of the Federation towards unity with Singapore has also imposed limitations on Singapore's political demands. An independent, sovereign Singapore can be realised only as part of an independent, sovereign Malaya. These therefore are the necessary limitations under which the second Merdeka Mission to London must work. These are limitations which the Parties have accepted. Some Members of the Assembly may feel that the demands go too far and others not far enough. However, Sir, in the interests of unity, they have reached agreement on what the mission should ask for. I hope, Sir, that this time the mission will maintain a solid front during the negotiations in London. I hope, too, that there will be no retreat on these minimum demands. We should try and get more if we can, but there should be no back door deals to get less or, worse still, attempts to sabotage the forthcoming talks. May I also warn the mission that this second mission must not fail? The first failure ended fortunately in nothing more disastrous than a change of Chief Ministers. If we fail this time, we cannot afford and we cannot meet the situation by changing Chief Ministers again! It could well result in consequences far too serious to be solved by expediencies of this sort. Perhaps, Sir, if they keep this warning in mind, and if they preserve their solidarity in London, the second mission need not flop. Sir, I join in wishing it good luck. 11.23 a.m.

Mr Speaker, Sir, today is a red letter-day for Singapore. Today we debate the motion before the House in a spirit of calmness, goodwill and confidence and there is also that unity of purpose to achieve what we set out to do. The Chief Minister has rightly quoted from that noted poet "Let my country awake." Let us be awake to the implications and the task that lie before us. When we achieve self-government, all of us, everyone in Singapore, have got to make sacrifices for the sake of the country and to place national interests before self. We must be able to practise selflessness, patient co-operation with all communities and exercise in a sense of goodwill whatever policy the Government sets out to do. As regards the postponement of the elections from August to a later date, my Party's stand on this question is to agree to the views of the majority and, as a Member of the Government myself, I think I have the blessing of the Chief Minister to say that the Government is not willing and will not remain one day earlier than necessary for the elections to be held at a later date to enable the 200,000 odd people, who have made Singapore their home and the object of their loyalty, the right to vote. Obviously they must have the right to vote and choose the government they want, and for that purpose I think we must allow them time to apply for citizenship under the new constitution and to have their right to vote the people they want to run the country. Sir, as a member of the delegation to London, I have this to say: that I am very glad indeed that all the Party leaders represented in this House have expressed their sincerity of purpose and that they will go with sincerity and without participating in party politics in London. 11.26 a.m.

Mr Speaker, Sir, many references have been made to Party leaders but no mention has ever been made to Independents in this Assembly. When I made a statement regarding my claim for inclusion in the All-Party Conference, there was a lot of misapprehension in the minds of the public and even some Members of this Assembly that it was my intention to obtain a free ticket to the United Kingdom. This was entirely wrong. I had no intention of going to the United Kingdom and what I wanted at that time was to be consulted at the All-Party Conference so that this White Paper today could claim the support of the people's representatives in this Assembly. Unfortunately the five Independents were left out. It is a surprise to me, Sir, that the Member for Pasir Panjang has said that non-political people or communal organizations have claimed reserved seats in this Assembly. As far as I am aware, there has not been any member of a non-political Party who has asked for a reserved seat. The five Independents who are represented in this Assembly fought the elections and they were elected to this Assembly by the people and they did not come to this Assembly as a result of reserved seats. Discussion of a national issue such as this, which is of great importance to the people of Singapore, should have been open to all Members of this Assembly so that a full mandate could be given to the delegation which is leaving for London. The Chief Minister at one time said that we could easily have the matter debated in the Assembly today, but it was only until late yesterday that this White Paper was circulated to Members of the Assembly. At the time when the All-Party Conference was held and if the Independents had been invited to the conference, it might be that there would be no occasion at all to have this sitting today, and the Chief Minister, after unanimous agreement, could have given a Press release of the issue. I fully appreciate that political Party Members here are bound by Party discipline and Independent Members are free to speak whatever they like, but the Chief Minister must also realise that in Singapore there is a large section which do not belong to any political Party and the only way in which they could express their views is through the elected representatives who are not Members of any political Party, so that they could be represented also. Such people, as I have always said, are citizens of the colony and I cannot see any reason why they should have no interest in the welfare of this country. It is for this reason that I had asked for representations for inclusion in the All-Party Conference. Whatever it may be, Sir, the whole thing is now finished. A White Paper has been tabled and I do not think it is fair that I should pursue the matter further. The All-Party Conference have completed their findings and today we have the result of their deliberations in the White Paper that is before us. At the time when I claimed inclusion in the conference, there was another crisis raised by the U.M.N.O., and today I am glad that the U.M.N.O. is quite happy and that they have now nominated their delegate to the mission. Today is the eve of the departure of this delegation to London, and I think, in the interests of the people of Singapore and the colony itself, I should give my blessing and every support to them. I hope that they will come back with the aspirations of the people fulifiled, and that they will not return with what the previous Chief Minister had returned with. May God bless them and good luck to them. 11.30 a.m.

Mr Speaker, Sir, I wish to be the first to extend my sincere congratulations to the All-Party Merdeka Conference which has reached agreement despite the dramatic demands of the United Malays National Organisation, the undemocratic attempt to exclude Independent Members of this Assembly and the refusal to invite representatives from political Parties outside this Assembly. In this connection, I fully endorse the statements just made by the Member for Queenstown and the memorandum represented from the Party Ra'ayat. The Merdeka Conference has shown great responsibility and unity, and it has earned my happy congratulations. The White Paper laid before us will undoubtedly change the lives of all the people in this land; indeed it may even change the lives of the people in this whole region because of the important strategic position of Singapore. Not only are the eyes of the people of Singapore focused on the White Paper and on the deliberations of this Assembly, but also, I am sure, the sympathetic and encouraging eyes of our Asian and African brothers. And I may be wrong, but wary and worried eyes may be cast in this direction from London and Washington. An important issue faces the people of Singapore. In assessing the chances of success of the forthcoming London talks, I share the optimism of many Members of this House. At about this time last year, there was the uprising in Cyprus which was successfully put down by Field Marshal Sir John Harding; and there was also the victory of the leftwing Party in the elections in Ceylon. Events were such that the politicians at Westminster and the old hands at the Colonial Office in London felt that the time was right for them to resist the demands of the people of Singapore. Today, the political climate is a little different. The British Prime Minister, Sir Anthony Eden, who sought to oust President Nasser of Egypt, has himself had to retire from the political scene. I think the time for the London talks is favourable. We learned a bitter lesson from the last talks. Many Members of this Assembly have just admitted that there was disunity and party rivalry at the last talks. Things are different now. This time, we are united, from the conservative Right to the extreme Left, and we are very happy that all Parties have shown their good sense and responsibility. The Heads of Agreement for the forthcoming London talks are not very different from those of last April, but there are a few points I would like to make. External defence is to be left in the hands of the United Kingdom Government, but because external defence is so closely connected with internal security, I would like to urge the United Kingdom Government to appreciate the national aspirations of the people of this country and try not at any time to abuse their powers on external defence and interfere in matters connected with Singapore's internal security. External affairs are also to be left in the hands of the United Kingdom Government. We would like Whitehall to note that although we have agreed to this, it does not mean that the people of Singapore feel very happy about the matter and are willing to allow such vital power to be out of their hands for long. The right to control external relations should not mean that we must follow everything Whitehall directs, especially on relations with other Asian and African nations, which are our brothers. In this field, I hope the United Kingdom Government will give us the widest possible freedom. On external defence again, it should not mean that we must join in any military pact which is in the interests of the United Kingdom but not in the interests of the people of Singapore. An example is the South-East Asia Treaty Organisation. Even Tunku Abdul Rahman has refused to become a member of that pact, and I hope the Mission will make it clear that though external defence will be left in the hands of the United Kingdom Government, they will refuse to enter into any military pact. Item No. 3 of the White Paper, Sir, concerns the designation of Her Majesty's Representative in Singapore. The United Kingdom Government must feel satisfied with the fact that the reasonable and sensible people of Singapore have voluntarily agreed that the three most vital powers, namely, the suspension of the Constitution, external defence and foreign relations, should remain in the hands of the United Kingdom Government. In view of this, they should at least satisfy our present limited national aspirations. A MaIayan must be our first Governor-General, and the Representative of Her Majesty the Queen clearly distinguished from the Representative of the United Kingdom Government. On the coming into force of the new Constitution, I am very happy to note that many Members feel that the new Constitution should be related to the finalisation of the citizenship laws. Many Members have mentioned that approximately 200,000 people will be entitled to vote if those laws are passed. For a long time, those 200,000 people have been regarded as second-class citizens, paying taxes but never enjoying the right to vote. It is therefore high time that this Assembly, if it wants a fully elected Legislature representative of the whole people of Singapore, should finalise the citizenship laws before introducing the new Constitution. We may be proud of the fact that we have been able to replace the Rendel Constitution in so short a time; we will be more proud if we can finalise the new citizenship laws and introduce multilingualism in this Assembly at an early date. I come now to the question of merger with the Federation of Malaya. In this, I cannot share the pessimism of the Member for Tanjong Pagar. Sir, we know that the Chief Minister of the Federation, Tunku Abdul Rahman, is one of the few truly nationalist leaders in Malaya. I believe that what he does and says is in the best interests of the people not only of the Federation but also of Singapore. If the people of Singapore and the Federation want a merger. I am sure that no matter what firm policy Tunku Abdul Rahman adopts, he will have to follow the wishes of the people. Please inform Whitehall that we are not only hoping and fighting for a merger with the Federation of Malaya but we are also ambitious and have the fervent hope that one day, sooner or later, we will take in British North Borneo, Brunei and Sarawak. We believe that if the Rt. Hon. Sir Robert Scott can rule over the South-East Asia region, then why should not our Tunku Abdul Rahman one day become the first Governor-General of the great Malaysia Republic? This artificial separation in this region is absurd and undemocratic. It is harmful to our lives, politically, economically and even culturally. Looking around us now, you will see that the people of Singapore are even prepared to accept Malay as the lingua franca - of course, together with the three other official languages - in order to play their part in a Greater Malaya. Personally, I am of the opinion - and I confirm the general view of the Chinese here - that Malay must be the lingua franca of this great Federation in the future. An hon. Member: Can you speak Malay?

Saya boleh! Sir, in conclusion, allow me to speak as an ex-Merdeka delegate. I learned a most bitter lesson and I humbly hope the delegates will take the following points into consideration. First, the delegates must be aware that they are not going as representatives of their respective Parties but as representatives of the people of Singapore. Second, the delegates must not express their individual views or their Party's views at any function and they must always remember that what they say will be taken as the views of the people of Singapore. Third, the delegates should try very hard to avoid attending individually any private dinners, luncheons and cocktail parties, especially those sponsored by the colonial officials. We do not want to create any unnecessary misunderstanding. If they attend any cocktail parties, luncheon parties, they must go in a team. I wish the Mission all success. Time and tide are with us! But if the Mission fails, I think the Government must do something. It should resign, and other Members of this House will follow its lead. We are not going to work the Rendel Constitution. We want to see the end of Colonel Blimp. We will boycott any election under the Rendel Constitution. Government must give a lead. There must be no more change of Chief Ministers. And if the Chief Minister will do me a favour, I would like to forward through him to the Rt. Hon. Mr Lennox-Boyd a book entitled, "How to win friends and influence people." Will the Chief Minister tell him that now is the time for him to win friends and not create unnecessary enemies? Before I sit down, I would like to sum up the points I made. I say, in a nutshell, let there be no more communal or party politics in London; let no Member of the Mission seek personal glory; remember that unity is strength; stick to your guns and success is certain. Sir, I beg to support the motion. The Chief Minister rose -

Mr Chief Minister, in reply?

Yes, Sir, in reply. Mr Speaker, Sir, after the exhilarating and astounding speech of the previous speaker, I find that I am having great difficulty in replying to most of the points raised by Members on the other side of the House. I am happy to hear that they are all united in granting citizenship rights to all those people affected so that they can enjoy and exercise their votes in the choice of a new government under the new constitution. I would like to assure hon. Members that it is not Government's intention to delay the elections deliberately, and if we are able to secure from the Colonial Office and introduce citizenship rights before the creation of the State of Singapore, the Government will do everything possible to expedite the elections, but it must not be overlooked that the machinery has to take time in order that elections could be held. I refer to the necessary amendment to the British Nationality Act. This amendment has to be passed by the British Parliament. It is only after it has been passed that this Assembly will be in a position to introduce new citizenship laws, and only after that can the people affected be given the opportunity to register as citizens of Singapore. And I did say, too, that a reasonable length of time must also be given to them if we really mean them to enjoy those rights. After that will come the preparation of the electoral rolls. But before these can be prepared, the delimitation of boundaries has to be considered. In this, I think we would like to have an all-party committee on the job as soon as possible. The Member for Tanjong Pagar and the Member for Changi drew attention to the fact that if the Mission to London is unsuccessful, I should resign. I do not like that word, Sir, but I did say this - and I mean it - that if the Mission fails, the purpose of my accepting office as Chief Minister will have come to an end and I will not, and do not, propose to continue. But that should not be taken as a threat to resign. I took on this job for a purpose, and whether the purpose is achieved or not, it will come to an end. Sir, in view of the national importance of this motion, it is my intention to call for a division, in which the ex-officio Members will abstain. Question put. The House divided: Ayes, 26; Noes, Nil; Abstentions, 3. Ayes Noes Abdul Hamid bin Nil. Haji Jumat. Ahmad bin Ibrahim Abstentions. Braga, A. J. Chew Swee Kee. Butterfield, C. H. Ede, John. Goode, W.A.C. Goh Chew Chua. Hart, T. M. Goh Tong Liang. Jumabhoy, J. M. Absent. Jumabhoy, R. Lazarous, A. R. Lim Ching Siong. Lee Choon Eng. Marshall, D. S. Lee Kuan Yew. Seah Peng Chuan. Lim Cher Kheng. Lim Choon Mong. Lim, R. C. H. Lim Koon Teck. Lim Yew Hock. Mak Pak Shee. Mohamed Sidik bin Haji Abdul Hamid. Nair, M. P. D. Ong Piah Teng. Sutherland, G. A. P. Tan Theng Chiang. Tan, William. Thomas, Francis. Wong Foo Nam. Question accordingly agreed to. Resolved, That this Assembly approves the recommendations of the All-Party Conference, as set out in Sessional Paper No. Misc. 1 of 1957, and on the principles therein set out instructs the All-Party Mission to secure from Her Majesty's Government for the people of Singapore the status of a self-governing state with all the rights, powers and privileges thereto appurtenant in all internal affairs and the control of trade, commerce and cultural relations in external affairs.

At the conclusion of business the Assembly stood adjourned, pursuant to the Standing Order. (Standing Order 6 (3) ). Adjourned accordingly at 11.57 a.m. to the 24th April, 1957.