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PRESIDENT'S ADDRESS
The President (accompanied by two A.D.C.s) entered the Chamber, accompanied by Mr Speaker, who was preceded by the Serjeant at Arms (without the Mace), the Second Assistant Clerk, the First Assistant Clerk and the Clerk. On the Clerk announcing "The President", the President delivered his Opening Speech. 8.31 p.m. The President (Dr Benjamin Henry Sheares): Honourable Members, we have gathered today at the start of a five-year term of this fourth Parliament since 1965. It will be idle to pretend that the security and economic prospects are better now than when we met in October 1972. Then the Americans were still in Vietnam and backing the Thieu regime. Now, they have departed even from Thailand. 1972 was before the oil crisis, and more rapid growth was in the offing. Now, there is uncertainty and anxiety amongst the major industrial nations of the West. It is an open question whether they can co-ordinate their economic policies. especially America, Japan and Germany, to stimulate recovery from recession without again another bout of high inflation. We have now to be prepared for slower growth rates, and adjust accordingly our spending habits, both as a government and as individuals. My government has again been returned to office. The PAP won in all constituencies. This government has the highest number of votes, and the highest percentage of votes (72.4%) cast in the six general elections held since representative government in 1955. This vote of confidence imposes a heavy responsibility on my Ministers to act fairly but firmly. My government will exercise its authority to govern with circumspection and moderation. It also places on all Honourable Members, especially those not holding office, the duty to ensure that all shades of opinion out in the constituencies are vigorously voiced in Parliamentary questions and debates. No major policy or legislation should be passed without the closest scrutiny, and passed only after the most thorough debate. The mandate on which my government was elected is clearcut. The issues were fought for months, indeed years, before the elections. Many of the opposition political parties, both those who took part in the elections and those who did not, repeated the demands of the Communist Party of Malaya (Malaya including Singapore) (CPM), regularly voiced over their clandestine radio. These demands include the unconditional release of all communist and pro-communist detainees, abolition of the Internal Security Act, and abolition of National Service. The people have rejected these and supported the government, But it would be naive to believe that the Communist Party of Malaya, in their armed struggle for a communist Malaya, will not try to abuse the opportunities of the democratic processes, and the mass media, to help camouflage their armed struggle to grab power. They will continue to rebuild amongst small misguided student groups, like the Malayan New Democratic Youth League (MNDYL). Student groups in the Polytechnic and in other tertiary institutions have been and will be their recruiting areas. Small groups of activists will continue to manipulate our student organisations abroad in Britain and Australia, in active collaboration with British or Australian Marxists and Trotskyites, as the case may be. They now style themselves as the "new left". But their techniques of oft repeated lies, and their exploitation of innocent soft-hearted or soft-headed "liberals", are long-established techniques and tactics of the communists, learned by the CPM from other communist parties in Europe and Asia, repeated with minor variations on new audiences in different places. And there is always the younger, politically innocent, if not naive, generation. The vote is also a renewed mandate not to be beguiled away from a most necessary law, which the British themselves drafted and promulgated when faced with communist insurgency in 1948, namely, detention of communist and pro-communist elements without going through the processes of a public trial accorded to ordinary criminals. My government, in accord with humane sentiment, will release them if they will denounce the CPM's use of force to seize power, and themselves forswear the use of force to unseat a constitutionally elected government. Lest it be forgotten, it is a mandate also to reject the soft-headed, pernicious policies that all the good things in life, from bus rides to PUB charges, can be given for free, or otherwise to reduce the fares or charges when the costs are going up. Only education, medical treatment and housing will be subsidised, in order to help everyone to be educated and healthy to be able to look after himself. But nominal charges must be paid even for schools, to pay for the extra curricular activities, and hospitals, to prevent unnecessary pressure on medical facilities. Before us are some terrifying examples of what can happen to those who go in for soft options and subsidised living, a temptation in any one-man-one-vote election campaign. Some once-great nations have been beguiled by this illusion that somebody else will pay, that all people had to do was to elect a government that would take money from those who have and give it to those who have not. Indeed, the British Prime Minister lamented a few weeks ago that the most hateful slogan he had heard was made at a recent protest march of Marxist and Trotskyite infiltrators of his Labour. Party: "What do we want? Everything! When do we want it? Now!" A great people have been temporarily reduced to straitened circumstances by this excessive cushioning of life by state subsidies. When my Prime Minister visited China last year, his realistic communist hosts described such sad situations as "teachers by negative example". My government holds firm to this simple truth: that to get from each his best, rewards and recognition must go to those who excel in consistently high performance. Between the soft solutions of some West European socialists of equal rewards, and the hard realities of Asian conditions, my government has no doubts that the people of Singapore unequivocally uphold Asian precepts - "From each his best; To each his worth". The communists in China have a variation of this in their aphorism: "Ge jin suo neng, an lao fen pei" () - from each according to his ability, to each according to his labour. However, we are different from China. We have access to modern science and technology. We have rapid economic and material transformation that comes from these modern management methods, capital inputs and marketing knowhow. But we must not abandon the cardinal precepts of our long-proven culture systems, precepts which enabled some Asian civilisations to survive, and without a break in continuity, floods. famines, pestilence, wars, disasters and foreign conquests. Whilst we admire and must learn and acquire their science and technology, their management skills and marketing knowhow, we do not seek to model our lives on Western social mores and their contemporary life-styles. We must learn the experience of the Japanese - how, in less than a hundred years since the Meiji Restoration of 1868, they have become a modern industrial state, without abandoning their own cultural traditions. Their experience is more relevant to us than those of the countries of Western Europe. The exceptions are perhaps West Germany and Switzerland. We have to formulate our way of life, taking what is best from the West and fitting it into the Singapore context. We must not allow our values and our philosophy of what is good government to be overwhelmed by the standards and norms of the contemporary West, regardless of their relevance to our social, economic and political conditions, simply because, for the time being the West have the material abundance and technological superiority. Let us select the relevant factors in their societies, factors which have made them strong and have been proven by the test of time. Then we can incorporate these factors into our system without damage to ourselves. At the conclusion of the President's Address. Mr Speaker, preceded by the Serjeant at Arms, the Clerk, the First Assistant Clerk and the Second Assistant Clerk, escorted the President (accompained by two A.D.C.s) out of the Chamber, and the House adjourned without question put, pursuant to the Standing Order. Adjourned accordingly at Twelve minutes to Nine o'clock p.m.