MAIN AND DEVELOPMENT ESTIMATES OF SINGAPORE FOR THE - FINANCIAL YEAR 1ST APRIL, 1985 TO 31ST MARCH, 1986
Mr Speaker, Sir, I have asked the Whip to inform the Member for Queenstown that I am setting aside two hours for the discussion of Ministerial salaries in order that I would have the opportunity to clarify in his presence some points he made about workers having doubled or trebled their salaries, and MPs' salaries gone up by six times, and Ministers' salaries up by ten times. I am sorry that the Member for Potong Pasir - perhaps I should not say this, but I think I may end up relieved that the Member for Potong Pasir has decided to live up to his wish to play a constructive role. I could take this debate in one of two forms. I could demolish the specious arguments of the Member for Anson and score debating points. Or I can present Members of this House with a problem we face in the 1990s and beyond. How is Singapore to preserve its most precious asset, an administration that is absolutely corruption free, a political leadership that can be subject to the closest scrutiny because it sets the highest standards? It is not easy, because if we lose this, then our reason for our existence, our raison d'etre (as the French phrase goes,) will disappear. Why does this island survive? Why does it attract banks, computer software, financial services, information services, manufacturing, in preference to so many countries better endowed - natural resources, manpower, markets? Any traveller knows that from the moment you hit the airport to the time you get into a taxi, when you travel on the road, you know the difference: whether a place works on rules or it bends rules. I therefore want to take this discussion for which I have asked the Leader of the House to set aside two hours, at a non-debating plane. It is not for scoring points. Just think about your future. How do you ensure that a fortuitous, purely accidental group of men who came in in 1959, and after 26 years of office - this is our 26th year - have remained stainless? How do you ensure that? Is it inevitable? 3.15 pm Look at China. In 1949 - after 30-odd years of revolution, the same Long March veterans are watching their children and grandchildren scrambling for jeans, sun-glasses, stereos, hi-fi's, watches, pens, lighters, cigarette cases, pocket calculators, not to mention Mercedes, BMW, and other cars for the factories. Look at Vietnam. Over 30 years they fought the French and the Americans. Sacrificed everything. (i am talking now of the North Vietnamese, not South Vietnamese.) And after victory, disaster. They have become corrupt. (I will come back to the press cuttings.) You go out from Hanoi airport, policeman wants to be paid. Why? Because after victory they wanted the fruits of that victory, and now they are embroiled in another long war. Sir, we have tried to recruit like-minded, equally committed, men. But they are of a different generation, and I am not saying that they would not have made the same sacrifices. I could still pay them on the old rates, but would I be doing the right thing by them and by the country? For my generation, it does not matter. I have circulated some Tables (Cols. 1241 - 1254). I want to thank the Member for Fengshan but I am afraid, assiduous though he may be, he has not been able to zero in on the top flight executives or lawyers or doctors. I have the advantage of Tables prepared by the Commissioner for Inland Revenue. I have included in Table 1 (ii) the Table I put to this House in 1981. Then I put in 1982 figures. Then I put in 1983 figures for comparison, Table 1. Tables (Cols. 1241 - 1254) For simple reference, just run your eye through. They are the top three executives of the biggest firms in each category. If you run your eye through, you will see that the best paid are bankers at $147,000 a month, next architects $125,000, then lawyers $116,000, and the lowest paid are car dealers at $32,000. I could improve my lot by becoming a car dealer! If some Members feel that they ought to join some profession, I ought to point out that the 1983 figure, which is Table 1, for stock-brokers was an exceptionally bad year. If you look at 1982 (Table 1 (i)), it shows stockbrokers at $172,000 and the highest paid was about half a million dollars. He does not need any university degree. He does not even need a credit in English. All he has got to do is to be sharp on the ball. Mr Speaker, Sir, can I ask Members to turn to Table 6 where I have listed out, for easy comparison, salaries of those on the protocol list. It goes right back to 1959, and 1959 really reflects the 1955 position when I first entered this House, right down to Members of Parliament, $500 allowance. When I started in 1959 I had $3,500, the Chief Justice - he was on Superscale A - $2,375, and the Speaker then was paid more than the Chief Justice. I know this is a sore point with you, Mr Speaker, but perhaps you can persuade my successor that I was wrong in reversing the order. The Attorney-General was on B, $2,075; the Judges were on C, $1,950, and so the others. If Members were to look at 1984, they will see that the Chief Justice is now on Staff Grade 11, $23,000. The Speaker is on $21,000. The Attorney-General is on $19,500. The Judges are on A, $16,680. I am at the top, just below the President whom I have left out, at $29,300. I think it is fair that I should first answer the points made by the Member for Anson. He says we are over-adequately paid and that we should not equate the public service with the private sector, that it was an honour, a duty and a service, and he compared us with the national servicemen whom he said we were mocking, and to the junior officers. I will come to the junior officers later. I do not think they have done less well than us. I am sorry the Member for Queenstown is not here because I have put in a Table specially for his benefit to get his arithmetic right. The comparison of Ministers is not with the national servicemen. If the Member for Anson will apply his mind, he will agree that the comparison is really in pari materia with that of the reservists. When a reservist is called up for duty, he is paid a pittance, his rank pay. Then by the Enlistment Act in 1978, we had what was called, in short "make-up pay". In other words, his family would not be worse off. You take in a banking executive or a lawyer for six months to do an SCSC course, and if you pay him the rank pay of Captain, I think there will be a minor revolution. He is going to fail the course. This is a serious problem. If Members will run their eyes through that list in Table 6, they will see that immediately after we came into office in 1959, we cut Minister's pay by $450. I cut my own pay to $3,050 and it stayed cut for 2, A years till September 1961 when we restored it. In the next column, 1970, when the first fear of recession was over after the 1968 withdrawal of the British forces, Members will run their eye down that list, column (d), everybody had an increase except the Prime Minister. Deputy Prime Minister $4,500, Chief Justice $3,500, Speaker $3,000, Minister $4,500 and so on. But I stayed at $3,500 because I was nervous that the ground might misread the signal. Wage restraint would be thrown overboard by the unions and before we had really absorbed the full impact of unemployment we would be on the rocks. It was only in 1973 that a full adjustment was made - the budget of 1973 - when I went up to $9,500, and Members will see that parities are kept between the Prime Minister, Deputy Prime Minister, Chief Justice, Attorney-General, Judges and so on. For the generation that knows my colleagues and I, I do not have to prove anything. But perhaps for the younger generation I ought to mention that I do not believe Singapore is wise in demanding of my younger colleagues that same total, absolute dedication to a cause. I am not saying they are not, but I am saying I do not want to put them to that stress. There is very little now that money can do for my senior colleagues and 1. Mr Rajaratnam is not worried whether he is paid more or less. In fact, he has taken a pay cut. He has reduced himself from Deputy Prime Minister to Senior Minister. This is the end of one episode but it is not the end for Singapore. If we slip, imagine the tackiness. You go through the airport and the chap likes your sunglasses, he flicks it. It is common knowledge. He likes your fountain pen, you give it to him. You fold in a $50 bill with your passport. He takes your shirt. In Vietnam - this is Asian Wall Street Journal, 14th March 1985, page 7, continuation of an article on page 1: 'To make ends meet civil servants moonlight, some working two additional jobs. They translate textbooks, teach foreign languages and grow vegetables. Others cheat the system. Bus drivers, for instance, take on more passengers than they are allowed to and pocket the extra fares. In turn, police at highway checkpoints solicit bribes from the drivers to ignore the over-loading - half a dozen times on a 100 km ride from Hanoi.' Thirty years they fought the Americans and before that the French. And it is not just the policemen. An AFP report carried in the Sunday Times, 13th January this year, says: 'Hoang Tung, a member of the Communist Party Secretariat, told journalists today that the punishment had been meted out for cases of corruption and other crimes at all levels of Vietnamese government, even among members of the central committee and ministers.' And ministers! They have sacrificed millions of lives. What has happened? Well, a mood vanishes, as we have seen the mood in Singapore palpably altered. The 1940s, dire privation, 1950s riots, it looked as if we were going to go under; 1960s, great instability as we were trying to find our feet with the British withdrawing and we were independent on our own for the first time. 1970, just beginning to get the first glimmer of hope as we raced away. 3.30pm But look at the transformation between 1970 and 1985. 15 years, a whole generation has grown up, believing that this comes naturally. I am asking them to ask themselves and to ask their elder brothers and their fathers, "Does it come naturally?" I think it would be reckless to assume that that same unbending desire to keep a stainless surface on which no blemish can be allowed to stick, is automatically transmitted on, like learning languages. It is an attitude of mind. Perhaps the new Members will bear with me if I explain how we came to this attitude of mind. My colleagues and I - Dr Toh, Rajaratnam, Goh Keng Swee - we were English-educated bourgeois. We wandered into a minefield of revolution - tough men, not only good at character assassination but good at assassination. We fought them with nothing. They had their elimination squads. They had their cohorts in the unions, and in the students' union, and in the musical associations, and the country dwellers' association, and the rural dwellers' association, and the old boys' association, and so on, and so on and so on. And their cadres, keen, eager beavers, believed that revolution was around the corner. They slept on desk tops at Middle Road. These are going on in my mind's eye - the decrepit corner building between Middle Road and Queen Street, full of little girls with pigtails and little boys with shorts climbing up and down, out to make revolution, like ants, like jumping beans! I slept in an air-conditioned room and I worked in an air-conditioned office. And they made sure that every worker in town and in the countryside knew that . And therefore, I was not trustworthy. They slept there. They ate in the coffee shops, they went to ablutions at the back. They sacrificed with the workers. Did they? Well, they looked as if they were going, some of them did, but others went in for all kinds of finagling, including union funds too. But their top leaders were men that struck real fear into our hearts. We knew we were meeting formidable opponents. I met the Plen in the Committee Room, which is now the Members' Room, for the first time, in March 1958. He was a hunted man, pale, lean. I met him between Victoria Memorial Hall and Empress Place Government Buildings. In case I should be nabbed by the Police, I could say, "This man wants to see me.", so I brought him to the Legislative Assembly. For 1 1/2 hours, I sized him up. I tried to size up the quality of the man - bright, keen, spoke Mandarin, adequate English, and a very determined fellow. And we knew that if we gave any hostages to fortune, we were finished. The first pre-condition to be in the game, to receive any cards at all, was to put your life on the table, be prepared to risk it as he was risking his. And he did risk his. And we had never forgotten that. We knew that once we became tacky, the whole system would go down. It was not possible. Some have fallen by the wayside. Tan Kia Gan he was a minister. I had to destroy him. I could not find enough evidence but it was quite clear, more than just a suspicion, that he wanted a percentage on aircraft to be bought by Malaysia Singapore Airlines. After his dismissal, he was crushed. Wee Toon Boon went to jail. Phey Yew Kok, I am not sure which is worse, getting a sentence (or being acquitted, I do not know, he might have been innocent) or being on the run all his life. Every election, the Opposition bring this up. But perhaps I ought to mention here how painful these decisions were. I ought to say this, because soon the principal actors will die. Nobody says, "Oh, well, they are all dead. He said so.' The Secretary-General of the NTUC came to see me on the Saturday before Phey Yew Kok was to be charged on a Monday in 1980, and he said that grave injustice was going to be done to an innocent man. He is now the President. He asked me to intervene with the Attorney-General and stop it. Pleaded, review the case. Because they spent years together in one fight, in a struggle, to build up the NTUC. How can he be sacrificed? I had the advantage of seeing the investigation papers. I picked up the phone and said, "After this lunch, see the Director of CPIB and he may show you some of the documents he showed me, and you will have no doubts whatsoever that a prima facie case has to be answered. If you still doubt that, ring me up on Sunday." Mr Rajaratnam, the Director of CPIB, is now dead but his Deputy, Evan Yeo, is not. He will remember that Saturday afternoon, and the Secretary-General of the NTUC retreated. That is how this place is kept clean. every Member knows that there is no easy money on the take. That is the way we are. Nobody believes that we spent money to get into this House. Not even the two Opposition Members. We cleaned up politics in Singapore, from gangsters who ran around with M.P.D. Nair and Lim Yew Hock. We cleaned them up so that two English-educated lawyers, the bourgeoisie, could get into this House as Members of the Opposition. In a way, it is a tribute to the success of our policies. They did not get in because they spent money. You look at elections anywhere in the Third World. Vast sums of money are expended. Why? Because when you get in, that is the pay-off. There is no pay-off here. There are some advantages maybe, for lawyers. They get better known. Maybe if you have got a hopeless case, well, they will make a row with the magistrate, regardless of whether there is a case or there isn't. I take great pride in the last elections as we have now three more doctors in this House. It is quite a feat - Member for Fengshan, Member for Ulu Pandan, Member for Telok Blangah, joining the Member for Ayer Rajah. I know the Member for Ayer Rajah closed up one clinic in order that he can be an MP. It cost him money. No patient likes to see his doctor in the House making speeches, or running around. Is it wise then to follow the examples quoted by the Member for Anson? I think he has got his figures too generous. He should have completed the list. He is comparing me with the Prime Minister of Malaysia who gets only $10,000, and he does not take $1,000. He only gets $9,000 against my $29,000. That puts me in a very good position. And if you compare him with the Prime Minister of Thailand, he gets 16,000 bahts a month, or $1,300. You see a vast country, 50 million people.