Thank you, Mr Speaker, Sir, for giving me this chance to participate in the debate on the budget statement. A lot has been said already about two peculiar features of this budget. One is that it is painless and, second, that it is a family budget. Incomparison with the 1987 budget which could be described or nicknamed as a procreation budget, this year's budget could be called a family budget, because it highlights the responsibility of the family towards the young and the old, the well and the disabled, and it also addresses some of the problems faced by working mothers. In joining my colleagues in this House, I too welcome the tax incentives for the building modifications for the disabled. These incentives are long overdue and perhaps still not quite enough in some environments where a lot needs to be injected in order to make those environments barrier-free for the disabled. One obvious example that comes to my mind is the Kent Ridge Campus of the National University of Singapore. I think the amount of tax incentives will not really be adequate at all to help change that environment to be barrier-free for the diabled. Nevertheless, the fact that we begin to recognize the need, is timely and, as I said, to some probably a bit overdue. I also welcome the raising of the income tax relief for the handicapped dependants who are the siblings or the children of the taxpayer, and also for the aged parents. Like the Member for Siglap, may I urge the Minister for Finance to consider a little more flexibility in varying the condition that the aged parents and the disabled sibling must be living together in the same household as the taxpayer. The reason is that there are circumstances under which it may not be quite possible for the taxpayer to live together especially with a disabled sibling. Such a case actually came to me recently at a Meet-the-People session. A young lady has been the sole earner of the family supporting of her aged parents who take care of a mentally disabled son, ie, her younger brother. She recently got married. She moved out and she found that she could no longer be entitled to this tax relief for supporting her disabled sibling. Cases like this deserve flexibility of consideration giving income tax relief. As far as the procreation incentives are concerned, the raising of the normal child relief for the first, second and third child and extension of this to the fourth child reflects more realistically the cost of rearing children and will certainly help towards encouraging bigger family size. The enhanced child relief for the second, third and fourth child continues to be given to working mothers only. While this may be a positive factor in encouraging working women to have more children as well as ensuring working mothers would remain in the workforce, I think the emphasis on working women is to the disadvantage of women who drop out of the labour force in order to take care of the young children. Theoretically, this woman can still benefit from the special tax rebate for the third or the fourth child. But the families which are most likely to benefit from the full rebate are those in the higher income groups, ie, women who do not work but whose husbands earn high incomes are likely to benefit most, to the fullest, from this special tax rebate. Therefore, by comparison, women who belong to the lower income groups and who drop out of the labour force to take care of the young children would be at a disadvantage. The finacial problems faced by women from the lower income groups are real and these are the people who need the additional income most. With the wife relief being raised from $1,000 to $1,500, there is a bit of recognition for the work of women at home which is unpaid. In view of the fact that the lower income groups actually need this wife relief much more and to a more substantial amount, perhaps the Minister for Finance could consider raising this wife relief for women who stay at home in order to give their unpaid work at home, especially in taking care of young children, a bit of recognition. Of course, in the final analysis, we all realize that financial incentives are only partially effective in encouraging procreation. This House has debated at length other measures including child care centres, part-time work, flexi-time work. All kinds of measures can be taken to encourage women to have more children as well as to stay in the workforce. I would not dwell on this now as I am sure other Members of the House would talk about these measures under the individual Ministries. Let me just say that apart from financial incentives as well as supportive measures, the Government should consider placing more emphasis on public education in order to change the attitudes of our population towards family life, parenthood and marriage. The 1989 budget is distinct perhaps, thirdly, by a radical departure from the past in terms of the block vote allocation system. Certainly, such a decentralization would increase the operational efficiency of the individual Ministries or units. At the same time, the new system clearly places more responsibility on the already powerful top civil servants in the individual Ministries. I hope that the individual Ministries and the officials, in their sometimes over-zealous pursuit of maximum efficiency in a narrow financial sense, would not incur political and social costs which are external to the particular Ministries. It is arguable that one such example is the recent increase in tuition fees at the NUS and NTI. I realize this issue is not particularly within the purview of the Ministry of Finance and probably the Minister for Finance will refer me to the Minister for Education later on. But let me take it as an example of where the considerations of one Ministry may have spill-overs onto the entire country in terms of having not only economic but also social and political costs. And therefore I wish to urge the Minister for Finance, being in the position of watching the budget in an overall sense, to be careful about allowing individual Ministries to tread on grounds which might have this kind of external costs. The raising of tuition fees for NUS and NTI came as a great surprise to many people. I think to use the word "bombshell" is probably not an over-statement. The fees at NTI and NUS were raised only in 1987, ie, two years ago. And to appreciate the magnitude of the present increase, one should not just compare the proposed tuition fees for this year beginning July 1989 with that which were raised in 1987 as shown by the tables presented in the Straits Times of 8th March. One should actually make a comparison between what is going to be effective in July this year, 1989, with what was immediately obtaining before the 1987 increase. For Accountancy, Commerce, Arts, Social Sciences and Law students, the fee charged in 1986 and 1987, before the 1987 increase, was only $1,200. But the proposed fee now is $2,600. So the increase is, in fact, not 30%. If you only take the two years, 1987-88 compared to 1989-90, the increase will be 30%. But if you go back to the fee structure just before the 1987 increase, the three years will give you 117%. Of course, one may argue that you should average out the increase over a number of years and you should not, say, take three years back or four years back and make it out to be such a big increase. Let me finish this comparison by going over the other two faculties. For Architecture and Building and Engineering Science, the increase will be 158% over the last three years. For Medicine and Dentistry the increase will be 454% over the last three years instead of 85% only. The point I want to make is that there are students who enrolled in 1986/87, who are still going through these courses and have not finished. In other words, they would have been struck by the fee increase twice, and to them the increase was actually 117%, 158% and 454% and not 30%, not 29%, not 85%. For this cohort of students who enrolled earlier on, and would have made budget calculations when they entered the University, they suffer a tremendous hardship. No one disputes the fact that tertiary education is heavily subsidized. No one disputes the fact that students who graduate from the University or from the NTI are a very privileged minority in the population and therefore they should bear not only part of their educational cost but should also be paying back what they get from society and the taxpayer's money after they graduate. That is why in the case of Dentistry and Medicine there is this bond that they must serve for five years after graduation. Mr Speaker, Sir, I suppose I should let the House know that I have two children who are attending NUS but I do not speak as a parent who can afford this fee raise. I am speaking on behalf of those who cannot afford the fee increase. So for families who made their calculations before their children entered the University, they are hit by this fee increase twice within the last three years and this really comes as a big surprise. It is said that they can apply to the Revolving Loan Fund from the Ministry of Education from which they can draw and cover up to half of the tuition fees. The second half they can apply from other loans at the University or at the NTI. But the upper limit to these other loans is only $2,000. And the actual amount a student would obtain is not necessarily the maximum. That depends on the financial circumstances of others including how many applications there are for these loan funds. So other means must be found to help the students who are caught in the financial bind and I think there is need for the University to raise the amount, the upper limit of this $2,000 loan, to help the students caught by this increase. The justification given for the sharp increase in tuition fees is the rise in the operational expenditure at. If we read the figures given in the Straits Times on the 8th March, it is noted that between 1987 and 1988 and 1989 and 1990, the total operating expenditure of NUS and NTI increased from $231 million to $351 million, that is a rise of 52%. Whereas the recovery from tuition fees would rise from $28 million to $62 million, that is a rise of 121%. So what has happened is that there is a higher cost recovery from the students themselves. If this trend continues, I am afraid university education will become more and more the privileged of the privilege few who can afford it. This trend must somehow be alleviated and means must be found to help students along in meeting this part of their expenses. As for foreign students, nobody would disagree with the argument that foreign students should pay more than local students. This is fair and this is just. And at the University level, there has always been a quota, a limit on the number of foreign students so that we can benefit, from their presence, students can mix with students from other kinds of background, other nationalities, and they can benefit from this multiplicity of cultural and national backgrounds. The quota, on the other hand, limits the number of places taken up by the foreign students. But the hefty rise in tuition fees for foreign students, doubling what they were paying two years back, will cause a loss of goodwill among foreign students who come from our neighbouring countries. We must not forget a lot of the close relationship we have enjoyed with our neighbours can be attributed to the fact that Singaporeans and Malaysians and other people from Asean have shared common educational backgrounds, common educational ties. If the foreign students from now on find it impossible or very difficult to meet our tuition fees, they would not come. Or those who can afford them may find it relatively more attractive now to go to universities in other countries where there would be a greater range of courses, where they may stand a chance of settling down after their graduation. To that extent, we will be losing the very valuable past educational ties that we have been sharing with people from our neighbouring countries. Sir, I think this is a consideration which the Government probably has thought about deep and hard. It has come to this conclusion after weighing the pros and cons. But I am afraid opinion on this matter is going to be divided. So with that, may I urge the Minister for Finance. In having implemented this new system of budget allocation, not to give up his role as an overall watchdog of how individual Ministries spend and raise money, but to make sure there would not be foreseeable external economic, political or social costs to the nation. 3.56 pm