Hansard, 1956-12-05

The following Member has, under the provisions of subsection (3) (i) of section 47 of the Singapore Colony Order in Council, 1955, obtained from the Speaker, permission to be or to remain absent from meetings of the Assembly: Mr. Lim Cher Kheng - from 5th December to 19th December, 1956.

I have received two messages from His Excellency the Governor dated 24th November and 30th November, 1956, respectively, informing me that His Excellency has, in accordance with the provisions of Section 62 (2) of the Singapore Colony Order in Council, 1955, assented to the following Bills: (i) Seafarers' Welfare Board Bill; (ii) City Council Elections (Temporary Provisions No. 2) Bill; (iii) Appropriation Bill, 1956.

asked the Chief Minister when it is intended to publish the Report of the Committee on Minimum Standards of Living.

The Report is being printed and will be published shortly.

The following Question stood in the name of Mr David Marshall - 2. To ask the Chief Minister when does the Government intend to give effect to the recommendations contained in the Second and Final Report of the Standing Orders Committee presented to the Assembly on 28th May, 1956, and contained in Sessional Paper No. L.A. 5 of 1956.

If it please you, Mr Speaker, Sir, I would like to withdraw Question No. 2 in view of the fact that item No. 10 on the Order Paper already indicates that the Government is giving effect to this Report.

Question 2 is withdrawn.

asked the Chief Secretary whether in the light of experience gained by the repeated delays in the election for the City Council, he would consider establishing as of now, the machinery to prepare for General Elections for the Assembly next August, and whether he will give an assurance that adequate steps are being taken to make certain that there will be no question of postponement of such elections for reasons of lack of organisation.

Sir, steps are now being taken to divide Singapore into 50 electoral divisions with one further division for the islands, and to prepare the electoral rolls to be ready for the Legislative Assembly elections next August.

Thank you.

asked the Chief Secretary -

Sir, the answer to (a) is 23 and to (b) is 10.

asked the Chief Secretary-

Sir, 14 warrants of arrest and detention and 39 warrants of detention have been issued since 1st September, 1956. (b) As the hon. Member is aware, enquiries under the Banishment Ordinance are not intended to enable persons affected to learn and meet allegations made against them, as the question suggests. They are ordered to be held if the Governor in Council should so decide after considering a written statement of the grounds on which it appears to the Chief Secretary that the banishment of an individual from the colony is conducive to the public good. Whether or not any enquiry is held is determined by reference to the circumstances and the facts of the particular case.

asked the Financial Secretary how many of the 1,344 private limited companies registered in Singapore made a profit exceeding 10 per cent of their paid-up capital in 1955, and the aggregate total of such excess profit.

Sir, I regret that I am not in a position to give the hon. Member the information which he seeks. The collection of this information would be a very formidable task. The files relating to 1,344 private companies would have to be examined, and, in many cases, additional information would have to be obtained from the companies themselves. This would mean that senior and subordinate staff in the Income Tax Department would have to be taken off the more important business of assessment and collection of tax for a considerable period, and I am not prepared to give instructions that this should be done.

Does the Financial Secretary not agree that this information is vital on any decision as to whether there is an excess profits tax or no, and how can he advise the Government on that very important factor if he has not got the information?

Sir, I have nothing to add to the reply which I have already given.

asked the Financial Secretary how many of the 127 public limited companies registered in Singapore made a profit in 1955 exceeding 10 per cent of their paid-up capital, and the aggregate total of such profits.

I told the hon. Member on the 21st of November that I would endeavour to give him the information which he seeks at this sitting of the Assembly. Unfortunately, this has not proved possible. The task is one of considerable magnitude. It involves a detailed examination of balance sheets and statements of accounts of 127 public companies. I regret that I cannot say when this examination will be completed. There are other matters of great importance which have to be seen to. I can assure the hon. Member, however, that I will give him the information which he seeks as soon as possible.

asked the Financial Secretary whether the 10 per cent fee payable on first registration of any motor vehicle is payable by the purchaser of the motor vehicle or by the seller; and whether the receipts are issued on payment to the purchaser or to the seller.

It is assumed that the hon. Member refers to motor cars imported by dealers for sale locally. In such cases the additional 10 per cent registration fee is at present paid by the dealer and the receipt is given to him. The possibility of introducing an arrangement whereby the purchaser himself effects registration, or, alternatively, is given the receipt, is being explored at the present time.

asked the Minister for Communications and Works whether he will make a statement on the progress of the measures taken to relieve traffic congestion along that part of Yio Chu Kang Road between Serangoon Garden Way and Paya Lebar Post Office.

This is a matter for the City Council and Rural Board. I understand that it is intended that the road at this point should be straightened and widened to 66 feet with a reserve so that it can be further widened to 100 feet at a later stage if necessary. Acquisition proceedings are now in progress. As soon as they have been completed and some temporary structures and shophouses have been removed from the line of the road, the work of widening will commence. Meanwhile some alleviation of the traffic congestion may be possible by reinstituting the former white line down the centre of the road. This has already been done in the City Council section of the road and the Rural Board has been asked to do the same in that portion of the road in the rural area.

Can the Minister inform the House as to when this work will be completed?

No, Sir. I have had enquiries made, but in view of the complication and difficulty of land acquisition and clearance, I would not care to prophesy when the site will be clear and the work can go ahead.

Would the Minister assure the House that he will push this matter through as fast as possible?

In so far as it lies in my power to encourage the efforts of the City Council and the Rural Board, I will certainly do so.

asked the Minister for Communications and Works whether he will take steps to ensure the safety of pedestrians at the 6th milestone, Yio Chu Kang Road, and to install a pedestrian crossing at that point.

Yes, Sir. The matter is in hand. The traffic police have already investigated conditions at the points referred to. In their opinion, a pedestrian crossing is highly desirable. The matter has been referred to the Rural Board and, if they agree, the installation will be made.

asked the Minister for Communications and Works whether any language qualification is necessary in order to obtain a driving licence.

Yes, Sir, under Rule 6 of the Motor Vehicles (Driving Licences) Rules, 1948, one of the matters on which an applicant for a licence must satisfy the person conducting the test is that he has a competent knowledge of English or colloquial Malay.

Mr Speaker, Sir, can the Minister tell us why it is that only English and Malay are required for the purpose of this test?

I certainly can, MrSpeaker, Sir, but I understand the hon. Member is going to raise this on the adjournment tomorrow and I think it might be more convenient if he could give me a little time then so that I could give him a very full statement of what we propose to do in the matter.

asked the Minister for Communications and Works whether he will make a statement on the Government's policy regarding flood prevention, and in particular whether he will state the Government's intentions regarding the Ulu Pandan Pilot scheme.

The first part of the question raises a large and complicated issue. I think it can best be answered by the publication of a White Paper which is now in draft and which will be laid before this Assembly early in 1957. The second part of the question refers, I think, to the pilot scheme which the hon. Member mentioned in the Assembly in November 1955, when he told us that the object was to demonstrate whether the flood waters from the Alexandra area could flow westward into the Ulu Pandan valley. As regards that scheme, I think it is only a pilot canal that was dug on the westward side of the Buona Vista road and railway; obviously the Alexandra water cannot flow down on the other side of the road and railway. It has to be taken past the road and railway which at present we cannot do. If the flood waters of the Alexandra area are to be carried out to the westward through the Ulu Pandan channel, which is the right solution, then it will be necessary for three high velocity box culverts to be installed under the road and the railway embankments. This and other flood alleviation measures are contained in the Chief Drainage Engineer's report on the catchments of the Singapore River and the Sungei Ulu Pandan, which will shortly be laid before this Assembly. The implementation of this scheme, in part at least, is important for the development of Queenstown and it is intended to seek provision for these culverts to be constructed early in 1958.

Mr Speaker, Sir, the House may be aware of the sufferings of hundreds of farmers in Singapore because of the recent flood which cause them about one million dollars in damage.

Order. I take it that the hon. Member is leading up to a supplementary question. This is the time for supplementary questions only.

Mr Speaker, Sir, this is a supplementary question. I would like to know what steps the Government has taken to compensate the farmers on their recent loss. I would like to bring to the notice of hon. Members -

Order. Would the hon. Member confine himself to a supplementary question? This is not the time for a debate. If the hon. Member wishes to take up the matter further, there are other ways of doing so.

asked the Minister for Communications and Works if he will state the reasons why the 30 m.p.h. speed restriction continues to operate on long stretches of the dual carriageways of Bukit Timah Road.

As indicated in my reply to an earlier question on the same subject to the hon. Member, the power to impose and cancel speed limits lies with the Commissioner of Police and the City Council or the Rural Board as the case may be. It was the opinion of the Commissioner of Police that the speed limits in all rural areas should be examined and he had a representative committee appointed to advise him. The committee has concluded its deliberations and has made recommendations. In so far as the Bukit Timah Road is concerned, the Commissioner of Police is now seeking the agreement of the Rural Board to delimitation of the areas proposed by the Committee. When this agreement has been received, the existing speed restrictions will be amended forthwith.

Sir, is the Minister not aware that the speed restriction along Bukit Timah Road has been honoured in the breach for over a year?

I think my reply to that is the same as it was to a similar supplementary question on a previous occasion.

"for making Final Provision for the Public Service for the year 1955", presented by the Financial Secretary (Mr T. M. Hart); read the First time, to be read a Second time on Wednesday, 9th January, 1957, and to be printed.

"to amend the Singapore Improvement Ordinance (Chapter 259 of the Revised Edition of the Laws, 1956", presented by the Assistant Minister for Local Government, Lands and Housing (Mr Tan Theng Chiang); read the First time, to be read a Second time on Wednesday, 9th January, 1957, and to be printed.

Mr Speaker, Sir, I lay upon the Table a Certificate of Urgency signed by His Excellency the Governor in respect of the Retirement from the Public Service (Compensation) Bill. Certificate of Urgency handed in.

The Certificate is in order. Please proceed.

Mr Speaker, Sir, I beg to move the First Reading of a Bill instituted "An Ordinance to make provision for the retirement of certain officers from the Public Service of the Colony and for the grant of compensation, pensions, gratuities and other like allowances to such officers". Bill read the First time.

Second Reading, what day?

Mr Speaker, Sir, owing to the importance of the subject, I propose to carry the Bill through all its stages tomorrow in order to allow hon. Members an extra day to consider the Bill.

Are typed copies of the Bill available for Members?

Yes, Sir, I have handed them already to the Clerk. Typed copies of the Bill distributed to hon. Members.

Mr Speaker, Sir, I beg to lay on the Table of the House a Certificate of Urgency issued under Standing Order 59 by His Excellency the Governor to enable the Bill instituted "An Ordinance to repeal and re-enact with amendments the Public Services Commission Ordinance (Chapter 59 of the Revised Edition)" to be taken through all its stages today and tomorrow. Certificate of Urgency handed in.

The Certificate is in order. Please proceed.

Sir, I present to the Assembly a Bill instituted "An Ordinance to repeal and re-enact with amendments the Public Services Commission Ordinance (Chapter 59 of the Revised Edition)". Bill read the First time.

Second Reading, what day?

Sir, in order to give an extra day for Members to study this important Bill, I propose to move the Second Reading and subsequent stages tomorrow.

Are typed copies of the Bill available for Members?

Yes, Sir. Typed copies of the Bill handed in to the Clerk and distributed to hon. Members.

"to provide for the establishment of a Singapore Industrial Promotion Board charged with duties for securing the promotion and development of industries in the Colony of Singapore and for matters connected there with", presented by the Minister for Commerce and Industry (Mr J. M. Jumabhoy); read the First time, to be read a Second time on Wednesday, 9th January, 1957, and to be printed.

Mr Speaker, Sir, I lay on the Table a Certificate of Urgency signed by His Excellency the Governor in respect of a Bill instituted "An Ordinance to provide for the control of Distribution and Rationing of Petroleum Fuel and Lubricants", and I desire, Sir, to proceed with the Bill throughout all its stages today and tomorrow until it has been read the Third time. Certificate of Urgency handed in.

The Certificate is in order. Please proceed.

Mr Speaker, Sir, I beg to introduce a Bill instituted "An Ordinance to provide for the control of Distribution and Rationing of Petroleum Fuel and Lubricants". Bill read the First time.

Second Reading, what day?

Sir, in order to give hon. Members a little time to study the Bill, I propose to move the Second Reading tomorrow.

Are typed copies of the Bill available for Members?

Yes, Sir. Typed copies of the Bill handed in to the Clerk and distributed to hon. Members.

Order for Second Reading read. 10.26 a.m.

Sir, I move, "That the Bill be now read a Second time." Sir, this is the first of three Bills standing in my name in the Order Paper all of which are measures to enact the legislation required to establish in Singapore the system of reformative training for young offenders between the ages of 16 and 21, which is commonly known as the Borstal System. We already have provision for children and young persons, that is to say, the age group 7 to 16. They are provided for under the Children and Young Persons Ordinance by means of remand homes, approved schools, approved homes and other special places of detention; and provision has also been made for the reformative treatment of those who are over 21 years of age. The High Court can sentence them to corrective training with a view to their reformation and the prevention of crime, but as yet we have no properly established system for dealing with the age group 16 to 21. As a temporary expedient, we have segregated them from the older and hardened criminals in the prison by setting aside a Young Offenders Section to which those young people over 15 are now sent. But this has only achieved segregation and has not provided adequately for any reformative training, nor have the courts at present power to sentence people to reformative training. It is high time that we did make proper provision for the enlightened treatment of this age group 16 to 21. This is an age at which the majority are likely to respond to expert efforts to reclaim them from crime and to prevent them from becoming criminals. The development programme provides for building a new Borstal Institution and in our Development Estimates for next year we have entered a vote of $1,000 for preliminary work with a view to building a new Borstal Institution to house 300 persons. But we can make a start immediately without waiting for the new building. The old remand prison at Outram Road Prison has been separated from the rest of the prison and it has been converted so that it can be used for a reformative training centre. It will accommodate 120 boys. Staff can be found from the existing prison staff, and again in the 1957 Estimates recently approved by this Assembly, provision was made for the necessary funds to pay the staff and to run a reformative centre in the Outram Road Prison. I am sure that this legislation will have the support of all of us in this House. Sir, this Bill gives the High Court and District Courts power to pass a sentence of reformative training for young males between the ages of 16 and 21, and it also enables Magistrates' Courts and Juvenile Courts to send up to the District Courts appropriate cases for sentences of reformative training. In each case the Court is required to satisfy itself that the boy is suitable for reformative training, and clause 3 (5) and (6) on pages 2 and 3 of the Bill ensure that great care is taken in assessing the suitability of each case. An important principle in this Bill is that it provides for flexibility which is necessary in these cases. Prisoners do not remain tidily in one age group during the period of their sentences, nor will they all respond in the same way to the reformative treatment. One may be ready for release much earlier than another, and what is decisive in this Borstal System is not so much the gravity of the offence for which the lad was convicted, but the reformation of the boy. So it is that the Courts are not empowered to impose a period in sentencing a person to reformative training under this Bill. The law provides in clause 2 merely for a sentence of reformative training. The actual period in each case is decided later by the Visiting Justices as is set out in detail in Schedule D, subject only to a minimum period of 18 months, that minimum period being provided so that there is time for the training at the centre to have effect on the boy, and subject to a maximum period of three years, though it can be five years for certain graver offences. In this way, the length of training in a reformative centre can be adjusted to the nature of the person concerned, the whole object being to reform this young boy and turn him into a useful citizen. Sir, I beg to move. Question proposed. 10.34 a.m.

Mr Speaker, Sir, the purpose of reformative training will be entirely lost unless these young offenders are housed in a building which has not the appearance of a prison. While welcoming this Bill, I think we should be very careful to keep these young offenders as far away from a prison in Singapore as possible. Not only the building where these young offenders are to be housed should be away from any prison, but it should be so constructed and arranged that it has not the slightest appearance of a prison. Mr Goode rose -

Mr Chief Secretary, in reply?

Yes, Sir, I agree entirely that the view expressed by the hon. Member is important, that a Borstal Institution should not be regarded as a prison, and our plans for the new institution are that it shall be well away from any existing prison. We have done what we can in converting the old remand prison to separate it as far as possible from the other parts of the prison. There will be a separate entrance and it will be an entrance which is connected with the offices of the prison administration rather than with the remainder of the prison, but, nevertheless, it is, of course, a disadvantage that the institution will start in what is commonly regarded as a prison. But as against that, we feel that we should make a start. We have something like 80 young lads now undergoing prison sentences and we can do something for them even if the conditions are not ideal, and we should like to start on trying to rescue these young men rather than wait until we can get what might be a much more ideal institution site.

Question put, and agreed to. Bill accordingly read a Second time.

Committee stage, what day?

Now, Sir. Sir, I move, That the Assembly do resolve itself into Committee on the Bill.

Sir, I second it.

Question put, and agreed to. Bill considered in Committee.

Clauses 1 to 5 inclusive ordered to stand part of the Bill.

Sir, I move, "That the Bill be reported to the Assembly."

Question put, and agreed to. Bill reported, without Amendment.

Third Reading, what day?

Now, Sir. Mr Speaker, Sir, I move, "That the Bill be now read the Third time."

Sir, I second it.

Question put, and agreed to. Bill accordingly read the Third time.

Order for Second Reading read. 10.39 a.m.

Mr Speaker, Sir, I move, "That the Bill be now read a Second time." Sir, this is the second Bill providing for the introduction of Borstal training. It amends the Prisons Ordinance to allow for the reception in reformative training centres of persons between the ages of 16 and 21 who have been sentenced to reformative training and includes reformative training centres in the definition of "prison", so that they can be put under the administration of the Commissioner of Prisons. I think the only clause which calls for comment is the new sub-clause (3) on page 2, which is another example of the flexibility to which I referred just now. That clause enables a boy whom the Visiting Justices find to be incorrigible, or to be exercising a bad influence on the other inmates of the institution, to be removed and transferred to the ordinary prison. This again is necessary because some lads may not respond to treatment and it is essential to safeguard the prospects for the others in the institution. Sir, I beg to move.

Question put, and agreed to. Bill accordingly read a Second time.

Committee stage, what day?

Now, Sir. Sir, I move, That the Assembly do resolve itself into Committee on the Bill.

Sir, I second it.

Question put, and agreed to. Bill considered in Committee.

Clauses 1 to 6 inclusive ordered to stand part of the Bill.

Sir, I move, "That the Bill be reported to the Assembly."

Question put, and agreed to. Bill reported, without Amendment.

Third Reading, what day?

Now, Sir. Sir, I move, "That the Bill be now read the Third time."

Sir, I second it.

Question put, and agreed to. Bill accordingly read the Third time.

Order for Second Reading read. 10.44 a.m.

Sir, I move, "That the Bill be now read a Second time." Sir, this is the third and last Bill required for setting up a reformative training centre. The purpose of the Bill is very fully explained in the Explanatory Note at the end of the Bill. Briefly, it is to enable a boy, who has been dealt with under the Children and Young Persons Ordinance and has reached 16 years of age, to be transferred to a reformative training centre if that is considered by the Court to be more suitable for him. This Bill completes the comprehensive arrangements for dealing with the age groups of children and young persons up to 16, the 16 to 21, and then the over 21, and it provides a means whereby a young person dealt with under the Children and Young Persons Ordinance can later be dealt with under the provisions for persons of 16 to 21 by means of reformative training. I do not think I need add anything else, Sir, on this Bill. and I beg to move. Question proposed. 10.45 a.m.

Mr Speaker, Sir, I certainly welcome all the three Bills piloted by the Chief Secretary. They are steps in the right direction. I would, however, commend the following to Government. I always believe in the saying that prevention is better than cure. Cure should come only when we have exhausted our methods of prevention. I happen to be dealing with many youth organisations and am interested in youth affairs. In fact, I am tackling this one problem. It is important, Sir, that before a boy, finding that he has nothing better to do, associates with bad company and indulges in crime, he should be given something more constructive for him to fill his time. I am referring to many institutions which exert a very good influence on the youth of Singapore. Such institutions, I suggest, Sir, are really assisting the Government in their efforts to prevent a boy from turning into a bad character, and if Government would seriously consider giving greater assistance to such institutions, then I think the money spent in this direction would help to reduce the expenditure that would be incurred in starting all these reformative measures. I suggest, Sir, that the Government should examine my suggestion very carefully and consider giving increased aid to such institutions because they have a favourable influence on young children.

Question put, and agreed to. Bill accordingly read a Second time.

Committee stage, what day?

Now, Sir. Sir, I move, That the Assembly do resolve itself into Committee on the Bill.

Sir, I second it.

Question put, and agreed to. Bill considered in Committee.

Clause 1 ordered to stand part of the Bill. Clause 2-

Mr Chief Secretary, in page 1, line 13, you have a proviso reading: "Provided where ...". But in page 2, line 7, the proviso there reads: "Provided that where ...". Would you like to make a correction?

Sir, I would like to move an amendment, In page 1, line 13, after the word "Provided", to insert "that". Amendment handed in. Sir, the purpose of this amendment, as you have kindly pointed out, is to achieve consistency with the phrase "Provided that..." appearing in clause 2 (ii) on the next page.

Question, "That the word proposed to be inserted, be there inserted," put, and agreed to. Clause, as amended, ordered to stand part of the Bill.

Sir, I have to move, "That the Bill, as amended, be reported to the Assembly."

Question put, and agreed to. Bill reported, with an Amendment.

Third Reading, what day?

Now, Sir. Sir, I move, "That the Bill, as amended, be now read the Third time."

Sir, I second it.

Question put, and agreed to. Bill, as amended, accordingly read the Third time.

10.52 a.m.

Mr Speaker, Sir, in rising to move the motion standing in my name, namely. That this Assembly approves the policy of Malayanisation of the public service as set out in Sessional Paper No. Cmd. 65 of 1956, I wish to emphasise that the statement of policy on the Malayanisation of the public service was made after the most careful and minute consideration of the Malayanisation Commission's Report and the administrative problems involved. Malayanisation of the public service is one of the main planks in the Labour Front-Alliance Government's programme, and it is the Government's duty to see that Malayanisation proceeds as smoothly and as quickly as possible with a minimum dislocation of the government machinery. At the same time, it must be true Malayanisation and this can only be brought about by malayanising the key posts now occupied by expatriate officers. It is only by doing this that we can hope that the Malayanisation policy will be pursued vigorously and effectively. The Government is in profound agreement with the Malayanisation Commission that the objective should be the Malayanisation of the administrative service. Immediate and complete Malayanisation of the administrative service is not possible, but by taking over the key posts, the greatest measure of Malayanisation will be achieved within the shortest time without having to displace all expatriate officers immediately. It is the Government's firm view that the principal civil service advisers of Ministers must be local men and this change must be brought about forthwith as soon as the new Public Service Commission comes into being, I hope, on the first of January, 1957. These key posts are the nine posts of Permanent Secretary grade listed in the White Paper laid before this Assembly today, and the choice of candidates for these posts will be one of the first tasks of the new Public Service Commission in the new year. At this juncture, Sir, I wish to stress that the immediate Malayanisation of these posts of Permanent Secretary grade is no slur on the present expatriate holders of these posts. This decision is both a political and an administrative necessity. The expatriate holders have served well and have given of their best to this Government, and I am confident that they will freely give of their wide knowledge and experience during the next six months so as to ensure that their local successors will be assisted to the maximum in taking over the new duties. I am also confident that our local officers, who will be given full responsibility from the start, will rise to the occasion and prove that they are no less able than their predecessors. I hope that no Member in this House will run away with the idea that, by immediately malayanising the Permanent Secretary posts, the way is set for a smooth Malayanisation of the public service. Far from it. It is just a proper start and the only logical approach to this difficult problem. There are just over 500 expatriate officers in the government service, both permanent and on agreement or contract. The problem is not only to replace these officers during the coming years, but to fill the many vacancies that now exist in the service and also to keep the service malayanised. The rate of Malayanisation must depend, in the first place, on the number of expatriate officers who wish to avail themselves of the abolition terms and leave this country immediately. It would be ideal if the rate of exodus of expatriate officers could be controlled or regulated. We can do this only up to a point by offering some form of inducement such as that proposed in the compensation scheme, and no further, for it is useless to force an unwilling officer to stay against his wish. To be without an officer is better than to have an unwilling one. We recognise the freedom of every man to choose his employer. We will not retain a single man against his wish. Malayanisation would have been a much easier task if in every senior service we had local officers in sufficient numbers and of sufficient seniority and experience. Unfortunately, Sir, we have not. In practically every senior service there is a disconcerting gap between the local officers recruited before the war and those after the war. The gap in some cases is from eight to ten years. Also the number of pre-war senior local officers is small simply because it was not the policy of the colonial Government then to open the door of the senior service to local officers. The responsibility for this shortage of senior local officers must therefore be placed at the doorstep of the colonial Government. We must therefore courageously make use of what we have, otherwise we will not have a true merdeka if the civil service is still dominated by expatriate officers. Hon. Members will note in the White Paper that, apart from the immediate Malayanisation of the Permanent Secretary posts, the Government has also decided on immediate Malayanisation of other posts for which the Government is confident that local candidates are available. Expatriate officers in posts which are not to be malayanised immediately will be retained for varying periods which have been decided upon after the most careful consideration. Still it is not likely that Malayanisation will proceed the way that Government wants. We will get an accurate picture of what is likely to happen only when every expatriate officer is notified of his future career in accordance with the White Paper and each of them has indicated what his intentions are. I therefore warn hon. Members that the, last words have yet to be said on Malayanisation. Hon. Members will have noted that in the technical service the period of continued service to be offered to expatriate officers is generally longer than in the administrative and the legal services, for instance. The reason for this is simple. We are short of technical men, not because our boys are incapable of becoming technicians but because the old colonial policy was not to open the door of the senior technical services to our boys to obtain high technical qualifications. I want to stress that the technical departments are responsible for our technical services on which depends the well-being of everybody in this country, and also our reputation as a great port and terminus. We are training as many technicians as possible, but it will take time to produce them in sufficient numbers and it will also take time for them to gain sufficient experience after qualification. Until then we must depend on the qualified expatriate technical officers to run our technical services efficiently. Sir, the next few years will be the most critical for the civil service in the history of this country. We have plans for the reorganisation of the civil service and we hope that all these measures will help in not only malayanising the public service but in keeping it malayanised by the supply of qualified officers. Except in certain technical or professional posts for which certain qualifications are the sine qua non, every able officer will have an opportunity of rising by merit to the highest appointment. Finally, Sir, one word to our expatriate officers who will be leaving us between now and the day of complete Malayanisation. To those who wish to leave now, I will repeat: we will not retain a single one against his wish. To those who elect to remain for the period we ask for or for a period of their choice, I will say that they will be eligible for promotion in accordance with traditional service principles, subject to paragraph 11(f) of the White Paper, and that they will continue to enjoy the same salary scales and conditions of service as at present. They need have no fear that they will be discriminated against in any way. I want them to realise that they must move with the times in colonial territories. Malayanisation has nothing to do with obtaining big jobs for a few local officers. It is a logical conclusion in the progress of any colonial territory towards self-government and ultimate independence. The entire control of the government must be vested in the local people, and we must prepare for this well in advance of self-government. I therefore move, Sir, the motion standing in my name.

Mr Speaker, Sir, I rise to second the motion, reserving my right to speak at a later stage. Question proposed. 11.05 a.m.

Mr Speaker, Sir, I must first record my regret that the Government, on such an important subject as Malayanisation, has given Members of the Opposition a bare three days to study its policy before they are asked to debate it. Some Members of this Assembly who have offices in town received the policy statement on Saturday. Those who do not have offices in town received the statement on Monday. The Hon. the Chief Minister stressed, no less than three times in his speech, that the Government gave the most careful consideration to the recommendations of the Malayanisation Commission's Report. The Government took no less than nine months to meditate on the Report. But it has given the Opposition a bare 48 hours to study this policy statement. Fortunately it so happened that the major recommendations of this White Paper were acceptable to most Members of the Opposition, namely the acceptance of the principle that the control room of the civil service will be taken away from the white man and put into local hands immediately. Malayanisation is one of those issues which have bedevilled the Government, striking right inside the machinery of government for the last eight years since the reoccupation of this country and principally in the last three years. Not long ago the whole civil service was nearly in open revolt, not on the specific issue of Malayanisation, but just out of a feeling of bitterness, frustration and discontent with the policy of the colonial Government. It is comforting to know that such a bitter issue can find a relatively peaceful end. We are not supporting this statement of policy because we believe that if this White Paper is implemented Malayanisation will become an accomplished fact. We support it because once the principle of handing over the control room is accepted and implemented, then the flood gates are opened, and the white men will be swept out of all positions of administrative control in the next few years. That is why we have accepted in principle the statement of policy laid down in this White Paper. Of course, the reaction of the public and of those members of the public in the government service who are directly affected by this White Paper has been a mixed and varied one, depending upon -

Shame!

Sir, some people in this House have no sense of humour, and for these people I have the deepest sympathy. But for the Member for Katong, I hope he will bear this in mind - that the local chest specialists think it outrageous that they should wait ten years before they push the white men out. Further, that the local pharmacists think it equally outrageous that they should have to wait six years before they take over from the white men. So if the Minister for Health should have any chest complaint, no doubt he will choose his doctors carefully. On the whole, we support the detailed proposals in this White Paper. We support it notwithstanding the fact that we know that many of the junior administrative officers are dissatisfied because of a statement of policy that there will be a five-year time lag before their avenues for rapid fortuitous promotion will be open. We say to them that we want them to prove their mettle in these five years, and to show us that they can compete with the white men who will stay behind, not as policy-makers but as functionaries. If they cannot compete with the white men, then they deserve not to be promoted. Sir, the Malayan Civil Service was a mandarinate. The legend "M.C.S." after a white man's name on some wooden swing-door was some kind of hallmark, symbol of personal power and influence - as someone put it, "A member of the Black Dragon that ran this country." It was patterned on the Indian Civil Service. As we draw to the last and final round of this battle to wrest control from the white man, it might be useful to recall the role this particular service played in the historical exploitation of the territories of South and South-East Asia. Let me read a passage on the Indian Civil Service by a distinguished Indian historian, Mr K. M. Pannikkar, one-time Ambassador of the Indian Government to the People's Republic of China, who had reason to know the various types of civil service that a State can model for its own use. He said this of the Indian Civil Service: "Under the 'lmperial' or central Government of India, there were the provincial administrators, again with authority delegated from the centre. The administration of India was conducted by a Civil Service, a regular mandarinate, recruited in England by open competitive examination. The curriculum of the examination was so arranged as to place a premium on candidates from the two metropolitan universities of Oxford and Cambridge, with their predominance of public school students, thereby ensuring both the 'class composition' of the services and the imperial tradition. In the first quarter of the century after the assumption of direct government of India by the Crown (1858) there were hardly any Indians in the Civil Service. Though from the end of the century a number of Indians continued annually to secure admission to the service, their proportion was not considerable until after 1919, that is, during the whole period of imperial supremacy. The Civil Service not merely administered, that is, collected the revenues, maintained law and order, and formed generally the magistracy over the entire country, but also participated in higher judicial work, a proportion of the judges of the Provincial High Courts being drawn from the administrative service. Below this practically 'all-white' service was a large Indian bureaucracy recruited on a provincial basis and strictly controlled and supervised in its functions by the former. It was through this subordinate or provincial service, exclusively Indian in personnel, that the authority of the Government penetrated to the masses. The control, however, was for a long time solely in the hands of European officials." Let me read what kind of society this mandarinate created in India: "One other aspect of British authority in India at this period was the conviction held by every European in India of a final and enduring racial superiority. Seton Kerr, Foreign Secretary of the Government, explained it as 'the cherished conviction of every Englishman in India, from the highest to the lowest, by the planter's assistant in his lowly bungalow and by the editor in the full light of the Presidency town - from those of the Chief Commissioner in charge of an important province to the Viceroy on his throne - the conviction in every man that he belongs to a race whom God has destined to govern and subdue.' Many equally authoritative statements of this point of view from persons in the highest official position in India could be quoted to show how universal this conviction was during the last century and indeed up to the time of the first Great War. One further quotation may, however, be permitted, as it throws light on the attitude of the army. Lord Kitchener, a most distinguished Commander-in-Chief of India, declared: `It is this consciousness of the inherent superiority of the European which has won for us India. However well-educated and clever a native may be, and however brave he may have proved himself, I believe that no rank that we can bestow on him would cause him to be considered an equal of the British officer.' ". And this is what Mr Pannikkar has to say about this. (Mr Pannikkar is now the Indian Ambassador to France.) "This flat racialism permeated all the services and constituted the distinguishing characteristic of British rule in the East in the 19th century. Its effects were widespread. In the Army, no Indian could hold a King's Commission. In the Civil Service, no Indian could enter by open competitive examination, no appointments above a certain rank were open to him, and the most distinguished Indian administrator of his day, R. C. Dutt, had to resign because, on the grounds of his race, he was not promoted to the post of a commissioner. Social life was, of course, exclusive, and from hotels and clubs and even from certain parks, unwritten rules excluded Indians. Also Indian life was held cheap. Rudd, a planter's assistant who committed an unusually brutal and cowardly murder, became on his conviction, a martyr, and the European public carried on an agitation for his reprieve." Sir, many things have happened since India of the 19th century. The superiority of the white man was exploded, first, by the Japanese armies and then by the Chinese armies across the Yalu River. And so also has exploded the myth of the White mandarinate. Once he was an elite, a person who was groomed to govern. After the war, with the "banana colonels", this mandarinate began to collapse, and we lived to see a Chief Secretary stand up and tell the poor benighted natives that so many hundreds of his European officials had only School Certificates but that they had commissions in the British Army and were therefore qualified to hold positions which local men with honours degrees from local universities were not thought fit to hold. This has been a long and bitter battle, but in Malaya it has been much shorter than it otherwise would have been, shorter than it was in India because the whole process of transfer of power in South-East Asia has been high-pressured. There is little time left for us to take over the whole apparatus of state and to make it function more efficiently than it did under the colonial system. In this apparatus of state the administrators are a decisive factor. There are two ways of revolution in Asia. One is the Indian model where a political Party, like the Congress movement, obtained through peaceful methods of non-violence and resistance the transfer of power and the transfer of the apparatus of state. That political movement then assumed responsibility and the use of an effective machine - the Indian Civil Service, the Indian Police Service, and the Indian Judicial Service. The fact that India is today better governed than Indonesia is because they took over an efficient working machine. The Dutch did not have to hand over to the Indonesians a working machine and the result was chaos and muddle in Indonesia during the last ten years. But there is the other pattern of revolution, that is the revolution in China. There they did not take over an existing machine. They built a movement that was a government in itself. Then when they took over, they swept aside the old machine and installed themselves as the machine. There is a fundamental distinction in the two methods. We in Malaya (and I still speak in terms of Malaya and not Singapore, because I do not believe that we could exist as an island state) have to choose the first method, the method whereby we take over peacefully and work the previous machine. Revolution by violence in Malaya, in my opinion, would lead to race war. I am sure no one in Malaya, whatever his political convictions, wants a race war. We are convinced that whatever the zigzags of policy between the Colonial Office, the local Nationalist groups and the Communists., the road for this country is the road of peaceful non-violent transfer of power. Therefore, it becomes imperative that when we take over this machine, it must work, or the whole basis of a democratic State will collapse. If U.M.N.O., or for that matter the Labour Front, were a revolutionary Party in the Marxist sense of the term, what would happen when they won power would be a sweeping aside of the whole of the administration and substitution in its place of the U.M.N.O. party machine as the government. But no constitutional Party in this country hopes or desires to do that. What we hope to do is to build a democratic State in which the machinery of the government is there working neutrally, whatever political beliefs or political convictions its drivers may have. No constitutional political Party hopes to build up a machine that can take over the administration of Singapore, or the Federation. What constitutional Parties hope to do is to take over the driver's seat, and the right to tell the Chief Secretary, the Financial Secretary and the Attorney-General what to do, for we shall then be the drivers. But it will be small consolation to the drivers if the machine that they are supposed to drive has broken down. It is therefore vital to see that with Malayanisation, the machine is no merely kept intact and efficient. It must be made more efficient and effective to meet demands which were never made on the previous machine. Under a colonial system which did not have to respond to popular and public agitation, one could govern from the clouds, from Mount Olympia. From Government House one issued edicts. One moved in pomp and splendour and the whole patina of the colonial Government gave prestige and weight to any edict that was issued from high places. That is not open and possible to a colonial Government now, and therefore this reluctant, belated hand-over. A popularly elected government will have to respond to popular agitation. We have to solve discontents where before, they could have been ignored with impunity. A colonial Government could send two Social Welfare vans down to the flood area and the Governor could come and tour the flood area with his trouser creases still showing above his rubber boots, and he can be hailed as a democrat. But if any elected Minister attempts to do that, he will perish in the next election. The need for a machine much more effective than before is vital. The survival of the democratic State, of the parliamentary system of government, depends upon whether the state machine can respond to the new needs. It is not enough just to have efficient routine officers who can write good minutes. It is vital that you find men with imagination, drive, integrity and purpose to make Malaya a thriving socialist democracy. Those who take over the white men's jobs must realise that not only their pensions, and their future prospects of promotion, but the future of a democratic parliamentary State depends upon whether or not they discharge their duties with honour and credit. Unfortunately in the past people have been chosen for the service, not because it was believed that they had signal qualities for service to their fellow-men, but because they had the signal qualities of docility and subservience to their white rulers. A member of the Public Service Commission told me several years ago that the reason why his son had got on in the world and got into the civil service was because he and his son were not connected with politics. He thought it was good advice to a nice young man like myself whom he should save from perdition. That typifies the mind of the men who choose our civil servants. We shall have more to say of this when the Public Service Commission Bill comes up for its Second Reading. If we want to fill the civil service with efficient people, then we must have men who understand the purpose of Malayanisation to do the choosing. If we have a lot of weak-kneed, flabby and feeble types who are more concerned with their personal welfare than the welfare of the people, to do the choosing, the whole fabric of government will collapse. We support in principle the policy statement of the Government on Malayanisation, but we reserve our right to bring up the question of the police service and the judicial service, and the right to criticise further other points of detail which, because of the shortness of time, we have not been able as yet to consider properly. Finally I wish to remind the senior officers who are taking over the control room that theirs is a trust to be discharged with honour. We hope that history will record the fact that they discharged it with credit to themselves and the community. 11.50 a.m.

Mr Speaker, Sir, I find that I have much to agree with the Government policy on Malayanisation. I agree with the Government that Malayan officers will be trained to take over vacancies and that the most important posts in the Ministries, especially the Permanent Secretary posts, will be filled by our local lads. The Government believes that the role of the expatriate officers should be that of advisers and I think that should be the case. In going through the whole of this White Paper, I find that generally it is acceptable. I think that Government has done one very good thing, and that is, after Malayanisation, and especially after the setting up of the new Public Service Commission, discrimination in the matter of promotions to key positions will be put to an end. Previous to this, I am aware that it was very difficult for a local lad with good qualifications to get into the Government administrative service. In fact, from the year 1935 or so onwards, after the establishment of our first college in Malaya, only the very best graduates from the college were selected for appointment to the lower rungs of the administrative service. The position has not, however, improved even after the liberation. In the medical service, there is still the requirement that a local officer has to acquire five years' specialist experience and ten years' general experience before he can be promoted to a specialist post. This requirement troubled me a great deal and I made intensive investigations into the matter. What was revealed to me was that it had always been the order. I tried to dig deep into it to find out when that order was promulgated. I was informed that it was of very long standing. I am not convinced that it was so, because it was not brought into operation before local officers obtained degrees to enable them to fill such posts. I think that unless a circular, dating back earlier than after the liberation and notifying that such an order had been promulgated, can be shown to me, I shall never be convinced on this subject. In the case of degrees, there is always a large number which are equal to one another, and in many cases I found that jobs were tailored for the officers they had in mind, so that, although the local lads might have higher qualifications, yet because the advertisement said that they must have certain specific degrees from certain specific schools or universities, they were always barred from entering the highest posts. This Malayanisation policy will, however, I feel, put an end to all these difficulties. After we have decided on the implementation of this policy, there is one difficulty that will be encountered. This difficulty is stated in paragraph 6 of the White Paper where the Government says: "There are eight local officers of the administrative service who each have seventeen or more years total service in the Straits Settlements Civil Service and the Administrative Service combined. But, below this, there is a disconcerting gap, due largely to the war years, and the remaining twenty-six administrative officers all have less than ten years service, sixteen of them being still probationers." I say this - they have only 26 more administrative officers. Eight plus 26 makes 34, and out of these 34 officers, 16 of them have less than ten years service; and the conclusion that the Government has reached is that "there will not be sufficient local officers of experience to fill the other superscale posts", so that Government has decided on retaining many of the expatriate members of the overseas administrative service. I think that difficulty can be surmounted if Government accepts paragraphs 20, 21, 22 and 23 at page 13 of the Interim Report of the Malayanisation Commission which say: "However, if we seek recruitment for these superscale jobs from outside the service as well, the greater become the prospects for their rapid Malayanisation. It was, however, maintained by some local officers that recruitment for the top posts should be reserved for serving officers. It was maintained that since officers joined the service in the expectation that they would have the opportunity of advancing to the top, it would be unfair if they were called upon to compete with outsiders for the more responsible jobs. We agree that, other things being equal, prior consideration should be given to those who have made the Civil Service their life-long career. And in normal times that should in fact be the case. However, the period between now and complete Malayanisation cannot be regarded as normal. The policy of Malayanisation means in effect upsetting established practices by procedures which are revolutionary. For many local officers Malayanisation opens opportunities for advancement which had never existed before and which they would never have had otherwise. But it should be emphasised that Malayanisation is not intended as a device to promote wholly or even primarily the interests of the Civil Service. Malayanisation means providing the people of this country with an efficient Civil Service manned by the best available local people. If this efficiency must be provided by transfusion of talents from outside the service, then this departure from normal practice must be accepted at least until after Malayanisation is complete." In contrast to that, we have paragraph 5 of the White Paper on Malayanisation which reads: "The field of candidates for these posts will not be confined to the administrative service. It is essential that the posts be held by the best men available irrespective of their position and status in the service. Nevertheless, it is to be expected that the majority of these posts will be filled by senior members of the administrative service." My contention, Sir, is that those who have served us well and for very long periods should be given the posts. They should have top priority. But according to the White Paper, even if all these men who have been in the service for a long time are to be promoted right now to the top posts, there is still, as the Government says, "a disconcerting gap". There will be many posts that will need to be filled by Malayans. We will not be able to find them in the civil service itself, or in any other service of the Government. If we confine our choice to the civil service alone, then it will be narrow. The policy of filling the posts with the best men, the most efficient men, will also not be possible to carry out. I suggest, Sir, that there is quite a large number of well-qualified people who are well able to do the job that needs to be done. I consider Malayanisation to be like this: we are going to fill posts with Malayans, whether they are inside the service or outside. So long as they are honest, efficient and loyal to this country, and so long as they are truly Malayans, I say that they should be given the chance of filling such posts after the local serving officers have been given the chance. Turning to the Schedule in the White Paper, Mr Speaker, Sir, I find that we can divide the posts which are to be retained by expatriate officers into two classes - the technical side and the non-technical side. I do not disagree very much with Government's policy of wishing to slow down the process of Malayanisation on the technical side, but I do contend that the period envisaged to malayanise it is sometimes a little too long. On page 8 of the White Paper, under Broadcasting: Engineering, you have nine permanent officers and you need eight years before local officers can be trained to replace them. For the three permanent officers in the Printing Office, you require seven years. I find, Sir, that if we are to start from scratch and we have only boys who just enter the university now to contend with, we need less than eight years to produce engineers. And if we consider again, Sir, that many of our local students are already in the university, some of them nearly graduating, I think the period of eight years envisaged is too long. The period can easily be shortened without the posts being left vacant. On page 9 of the White Paper concerning the Police the Government suggests a period of six years to malayanise the 30 posts filled by permanent officers of Deputy Superintendent and above. I feel also that this period is a little longer than necessary. There is an opinion expressed by many police officers that perhaps they lack experience in certain departments, and if they are to take over responsible jobs in the police force, they should be given a chance of training in those departments where they lack experience. If the Government is going to implement this scheme of Malayanisation with regard to police personnel, one of the most important things that it should do would be to send our men immediately for training in those departments with which they are not familar. I am aware, too, that amongst officers who are born locally, many of them are fit for higher promotion, and it is a fact that there are vacancies; and I see no reason why they should not even be promoted at this stage so that they can acquire more experience and a greater sense of responsibility. The Member for Tanjong Pagar suggests that some of our police officers may be so discontented that they can be incited to be subversive! I do not believe in that at all. In fact, I think that our police officers have always been very loyal and I do not think that anything will move them to become subversive elements. It has been stated in this White Paper that Government's policy is to give our local people who have been trained a chance for greater responsibility. On page 14 of the White Paper, under Nursing Staff, I am aware that there are already four locally trained male nurses who have received the qualification of R.M.N. What will happen to them? It may sound somewhat detailed, but in the White Paper it is stated that three male nursing staff will be retained for six years. Will they not be a bar to our local people who have already acquired the necessary qualifications? I would like the Minister for Health to clarify this point. On the whole, Sir, I agree with the White Paper, but, of course, there are defects, and if the Government will mend them, it will receive our support.

I think this is an appropriate time to suspend. I will take the Chair again at half-past two. Sitting accordingly suspended at 12.12 p.m. until 2.30 p.m. Sitting resumed at 2.30 p.m. Debate resumed. Question again proposed. 2.31 p.m.

Mr Speaker, Sir, I had intended to say something on this White Paper and I hope still to say it; but it was comparatively non-controversial and indeed I intend to give full support to Government's policy in this matter. I have long since accepted defeat in what might have been termed a pro-colonial policy as far as this Assembly is concerned anyway, (after all, one has to be realistic) and anticipated that this debate would be the concern of elected Members only; but the Member for Tanjong Pagar has thrown out some sort of challenge at me and I am not clear precisely what it is. However, I should like to disabuse him on one point and, I hope, reassure him on another. The first is that I am not a tycoon. I am a bank manager, strictly non-commission earning, and non-profit-sharing, and working on a salary basis only, and if the hon. Member wants an overdraft, he can have mine! I am flattered at the implication that I have some sort of influence over the official Members-some sort of "old boy" relationship-and can only say that if I have given any help whatsoever in their work, which I doubt, it has been very gladly given. I would assure the hon. Member that, if during the short period remaining to me before I am sacked from my firm I can give any assistance to the up-and-coming Permanent Secretaries, they have only to call on me and I will do my utmost to the limit of supererogation. Sir, the aim of the policy in this White Paper, as I see it, and its attendant Bill is to compensate, no more than adequately, those expatriate officers who, having made their careers in the colonial service, are in many cases to have them cut short. When they embarked on their careers, they probably gave no thought to the possibility of this colony attaining early self-government, and at a later date few of them may have realised that the introduction of the Rendel Constitution heralded the twilight of the colonial power in this island. Few, too, would have realised that men of the calibre of the Member for Tanjong Pagar would rise in this Assembly and speak of "white men" with the acme of bitterness in his voice, as if the white men's lack of pigment were at the root of all this trouble. I am therefore glad to see, Sir, that the Labour Front Coalition Government has pledged itself to give expatriate officers fair treatment. A benign United Kingdom Government is in the process of handing over control of Singapore to its own destiny. In doing so, it hands over a government machine in first-class working order, a machine designed largely by colonial officials of unquestioned integrity, who have earned a reputation for themselves for devotion to duty and a reputation for zeal in their work. They have set a pattern which one hopes will be followed by their local successors for whom the task ahead is certainly not easy. The English phrase "to have a chip on one's shoulder" is probably known to all hon. Members. As far as the Member for Tanjong Pagar is concerned, I fear he is carrying a marble slab, and I have been greatly depressed by his renewed attack on "white men" at such a time when surely the Government is looking for the utmost co-operation from this section of the community. The White Paper in paragraph 12 states: "Some expatriate officers may not wish to accept the offer of continued service, but the Government hope that a sufficient number will do so in order that the administration may be carried on while Malayanisation takes its course." One wonders, Sir, how many expatriate officers who, on learning what the Member for Tanjong Pagar has said today, will be influenced thereby and be prepared to take a chance and stay. Sir, the only point which I had intended to make today is the following: In paragraph 13 of the White Paper, it states: "It is proposed that the provisions of the compensation scheme and the constitution of the Public Service Commission should in due course be embodied in an Order in Council." It seems clear that the Government's White Paper applies exclusively to the public service in the Government sense only; but surely "public service" also includes the Harbour Board, the Improvement Trust, the Telephone Board and the City Council. I wonder, Sir, if the Chief Minister would indicate what the Government's attitude is to the extension of the proposed Ordinance as it concerns compensation to employees of the government agencies that I have just mentioned. The Malayanisation Commission appointed by the Government also reported on City Council departments, and it would seem only equitable that if the government agencies are also to be malayanised at an early date, as presumably they must be, adequate protection such as is given in this Bill to Government expatriate officers should also be extended to those officers of the other public services and their rights to compensation safe guarded by provisions being included in the Order in Council. 2.38 p.m.

Mr Speaker, Sir, my dream is coming true though it will take some ten years more to get it finalised. In October 1952, Sir, I moved a motion in the Legislative Council for Malayanisation and the Ad Hoc Committee took two years to publish a report. I think the expatriates knew that the time was coming when they had to leave. I do not know how many expatriates have been appointed to the civil service after I moved my motion in October 1952. Someone might query about it. Sir, I am not sorry that my dream of Malayanisation will be finalised in ten years. I am not here to give the expatriates a parting kick. I only say that colonialism is coming to an end with the key positions of the civil service in the hands of the local men. Let us part as friends. I do not think any Member on this side of the House is anti-white men. We are only against the white policy. Any white man is welcome to trade here, but he may not be allowed to exploit this country. Sir, those expatriate officers who stay back will, I hope, give their loyalty to this country and also give guidance to our men who will be taking over the key positions in the civil service; for, without a good and efficient civil service, we might be in the same position as some of our neighbouring countries. India, Pakistan and Ceylon are carrying on as usual as if nothing has happened, because there was a trained local civil service to take over. We must retain the integrity and efficiency in our administrative service. Sir, some Members mentioned the judiciary and the police. The control of the judiciary will, of course, come automatically into our hands when we achieve independence, as has happened in India, Pakistan and Ceylon. There are plenty of able people who, in the past, did not join the civil service because they were frustrated. I think we will be able now to pick out many who, although very brilliant, would not join the government service owing to frustration. I am sure that in this connection the new Public Service Commission with executive powers will be able to help us a great deal. Sir, all Members on this side of the House will agree with the Government's White Paper on Malayanisation. We have not had sufficient opportunity to study thoroughly this White Paper, but there is one subject that I would like to touch on at page 13. I refer to Education which reads: "Permanent Secretary to be Malayanised forthwith. The post of Director of Education to be separated from that of Permanent Secretary and the present holder to continue until his retirement. All officers to be offered 5 years with promotion prospects up to Director (but not Permanent Secretary) and with the reservation that administrative posts would also be open to teachers in non-Government schools though, other things being equal, preference would be given to Government teachers; aided school teachers who have taken an active part in politics cannot be considered for Superscale posts." I certainly disagree with this. These teachers never knew what was coming and they had their share, like anyone else, of politics. In the Federation there is no bar to teachers who have taken part in politics from rising to the highest posts. I do not know why we should have this bar against teachers being considered for superscale posts just because they have taken part in politics. When this motion on Malayanisation is passed today, I think it can be made clear to these teachers that, if they will not take part in politics for a one- or two- or three-year period, they will be eligible for the superscale posts. I think that is very fair. We should try to be fair to those locally born people who have the brains and integrity to rise to the top of their profession. In conclusion, Sir, I would like to say this: now that we will be taking over, we must retain, for our own sake, a most efficient service for the good of the country. 2.45 p.m.

If it please you, Mr Speaker, Sir, I must confess to considerable astonishment this morning listening to the lukewarm support and petty fault-finding on the part of the leaders of the Opposition Parties in respect of this radical measure which is yet another milestone in our efforts to come out of the dark caves of colonial exploitation and government. Sir, Malayanisation of key posts is even more important than new written constitutions in changing our status from that of a colonial people to that of human beings. It is recognised that Malayanisation is a thorny problem and has bedevilled our relations for the past two years and more. It has meant months of sincere effort by responsible people in the Malayanisation Commission and on the part of Government to produce this White Paper now before you, a White Paper which presents a solution that is sober, that is adequate, and that has achieved an amicable settlement with the civil service itself. I confess to considerable disappointment that the only reception from the leaders of the leading Opposition Parties is tantamount to a disgruntled grunt. The implementation of the policy indicated in the White Paper before us means that the new year will see a new era for Singapore, an era when we can grow to a self-consciousness and a sense of self-respect, because it is not only through constitutions that people grow. It is through the realities of life, and the realities, Sir, are in the machinery of government which this White Paper has attempted and, I think, succeeded in meeting. For myself, Sir, I would like to say that I warmly welcome the policy indicated in the White Paper and I would like to congratulate the Government on a magnificient achievement and an excellent plan for an essential part of our work as a nation. On paragraph 12 of the White Paper, Sir, I would like to say this. I am not averse to generosity. I am not averse to it particularly if it means a harmonious transfer of power, and I think Singapore can take the palm in being more generous than any other territory in the world in the compensation it is giving for the so-called element of interference in a career, a compensation averaging $43,000 per expatriate officer. I wish I could find myself an employer so generous. Sir, I refer to it only from this point of view - that the Government in paragraph 12 of the White Paper expresses a sense of alarm that expatriate officers who receive this remarkably generous Christmas gift would see to it that they take it as soon as they can, free of income tax plus full pension, and try and build a new life elsewhere, irrespective of the need of the people of this country. The Chief Minister has said, and said rightly, that we should never stop a man from leaving our employment if he so wishes. That is true, Sir, but a man who leaves my employment against my wish does not get by way of thanks a cheque for $43,000. It is suggested, Sir, that that dismissal interferes with his career. I am not going to argue the pros and cons, Sir. This is not the time. This is the time when I wish to express the gladness which I feel at the solution of a problem, a solution that is essential to our future growth. If I dismiss him, then by all means let him receive compensation; but if he leaves me against my will, I cannot see how it is conceivably proper that he should consider himself entitled to compensation. I know it is suggested that the very act of creating a Public Service Commission is an interference of so radical a character with the conditions of service that this compensation accrues. I say, Sir, that that is so thin an argument that it must be a very thick-skinned man who puts it forward. I say, Sir, that the Government should consider either denying wholly or denying in part the compensation to those who leave the service prior to the date when it is convenient for the Government to agree to the termination. We cannot too soon replace the administrative officers, but we can and must retain those with technical qualifications whom we cannot today replace, because of a colonial policy in respect of the civil service. If those technical officers take their compensation and leave, then it means that this country would be in a position of having to re-employ them at exaggerated salaries and inflated allowances until such time as we are ready with our own men-and they thus get it both ways. This country is being asked to be generous - $21.4 million for 500 expatriate officers. Surely we can make it a condition that payment of this compensation will only be made if the officer's termination of employment is in conformity with Government's requirements? If we want him to leave at the end of five years and he wants to leave us at the end of six months, by all means let him leave; but why should he get compensation when he knows that his leaving puts us to considerable inconvenience? Why, Sir? Why should we place ourselves to such an extent in the hands of the civil service? I can see no reason, Sir. I do not mind surrendering to the civil service - I am glad that we can part on friendly terms. It costs us $21.4 million - that is cheap enough - but why must we so wholly put ourselves in their hands that we have to plead with them to stay, when we can say to them, quite simply, "If you want to go, goodbye; but if you want to go before we are ready to let you, then do not expect a Christmas cake." That is the only criticism which I have to make in respect of a plan which I respect and salute. I wish to deal with some comments which the Member for Tanjong Pagar made, and particularly the strictures of a most unpleasant character on our police force. He took it upon himself to call the Asian police officers cowards, because they, with their knowledge, their experience and their sense of responsibility, did not see fit to challenge the submissions made on behalf of the force by the Commissioner of Police in respect of Malayanisation. Sir, I think it is true to say that there has never been any suggestion of cowardice in respect of our police force at any time, that, in fact, in recent weeks we have had cause to respect and admire their courage, their fortitude and their sense of responsibility in this territory. I can but regret that a person, who suggests that not only is he a responsible Member of this House but the leader of his Party, should make a stricture of that character on a remarkably fine body of men because they do not want to gallop as fast as he does. It seems that anybody who does not agree with the P.A.P. is a coward. Sir, it may well be that the experience of the next few years of Malayanisation may indicate the possibility of more rapid Malayanisation in the police force, and I know that the Government Benches would welcome that day; and if that day should come, we, whichever side of the House we may be occupying - if we occupy any side at all - would only welcome it. There is one other aspect of the speeches made this morning to which I wish to refer, and that is the reference to the judges. The Labour Front, both in the inter-Party meetings prior to the Merdeka talks last April and at the constitutional conference in London, made it clear that we considered the principle of the inviolability of the security of tenure of judges was one which should be respected, if our wishes were respected that no further judges would be appointed from amongst the expatriate officers. Sir, the judges who now grace our Bench have served us well. They carry a remarkably fine tradition that has brought to these shores one of the finest institutions known to humanity today; and I, for one, would regret any suggestion of dragging them into the political arena. I would particularly regret any attempt by the Secretary of State for the Colonies who sometimes finds it so hard to learn the lesson that he is living in the 1950's and not in the 1850's , . . I would regret it very much if he compels this country to drag the question of security of tenure of judges into the political arena by appointing further expatriate judges. This House has passed the Budget provision for an additional judge and the matter is certainly in the hands of the Governor who will act in conformity with the orders of the Secretary of State. I would like to give this assurance: So far as I am aware today, the Labour Front, as a body, believes that the security of tenure of the judges should not be interfered with, unless the Secretary of State for the Colonies sees fit himself to endanger that security by riding roughshod over the wishes of the people repeatedly expressed in this House. One final word, Sir. The Member for Tanjong Pagar has made much of the fear, which he seems to entertain, that the machinery of government might break down. If he has doubts about the adequacy of our civil service to the opportunities which are now offering, I believe he is the only Malayan who does have them.

Are you a Malayan?

A great deal more than you are. Your right to stand for election was in doubt.

Order.

If it please you, Sir, I withdraw that remark. I am a great deal more of a Malayan than the Member for Tanjong Pagar whose right to stand for election was in doubt. Sir, our Malayan members of the civil service have been carrying the burden through decades of effort and frustration, from even before the time when the Member for Tanjong Pagar was knee-high to a pup, and they are ultimately being given the opportunity. They come, Sir, as people who have struggled and sweated, who know the value of the prize which is theirs, and the opportunity which is theirs; and I, for one, Sir, have not the slightest doubt, not only that the machinery of government will function, but that it will function with more dynamism and more sincerity in its application to the welfare of the people of Singapore. 3.02 p.m.

Mr Speaker, Sir, on the whole, I think this Malayanisation scheme produced today is a fair and comprehensive one and should be acceptable to most of the people in Singapore. Even the leader of the People's Action Party has found very few holes to pick in it. There is only one aspect, Sir, on which I wish to speak today, and that is with regard to the rather unpleasant recriminations and remarks made during the Malayanisation enquiry. I am quite sure that all members of the service who were attacked will realise that this was due to the spirit of frustration and struggle which the local service have had to put up with for these many years. Now that we have produced a comprehensive scheme, I hope that those officers who will be leaving us will extend their help and forget all those unpleasant things that were said and give as much of their experience as possible to those who will be taking over from them. To the young men in the service who will be taking over the public service, I have this to say to them. Their opportunities are tremendous. Such opportunities for advancement and promotion to positions of responsibility I do not think will occur again. I exhort them to treat this not as an opportunity for personal advancement, but as a dedication to the service of this country. At a time when we are working towards the basis of an independent nation, I hope that they will work hard and make Singapore worthy of its independence when we achieve it and also worthy of being a member of the family of nations. 3.04 p.m.

Mr Speaker, Sir, the Government White Paper on Malayanisation deserves support. It has made Malayanisation a reality. It is real enough to concern those who did everything to sabotage it and give satisfaction to those who fought hard and longed for it. The White Paper marks the culmination of a long struggle begun many years ago by local officers as well as others to break one of the tightest monopolies in this country - the expatriate civil service. Sir, a year ago, Malayanisation on the scale contemplated by the White Paper would have been dismissed as impossible. Certainly those political leaders who graced the old Legislative Council, most of whom have now gone into unwilling political retirement, would have found a White Paper such as this one a dangerous document. This changed outlook has come about in a very short time. This is symptomatic of the times in which we live. We are losing our fear of change. I am certain, Sir, there will be broad agreement with the scheme of Malayanisation indicated by the White Paper. One can quarrel that in certain departments, the Medical Department, for instance, the Government has been over-cautious, but the essential thing is that the key posts are to be malayanised immediately - and quite correctly. This will ensure, Sir, that local officers will be in a position to guide the civil service and assist in the making of policy. Whether, in fact, this will be so will depend on the character, the ability and the outlook of the local officers who will occupy these key posts. If the local officer regards himself as a local version of the expatriate officer whom he replaces, then Malayanisation becomes meaningless. It is merely an exchange of the white heaven-born for the black heaven-born. There is nothing more revolting and more disgusting than the sight of a black expatriate. For Malayanisation to succeed, it is not enough to replace the expatriates with local officers. There must be a new outlook and a sense of dedication on the part of the local officers. May I quote, Sir, the concluding words of the Majority Report of the Malayanisation Commission to remind ourselves and the local officers of the real meaning of Malayanisation: "Malayanisation of the Public Service can only be a success if all concerned regard it as an expression of patriotic service. Local officers must not consider this an opportunity for self-advancement but rather an opportunity for self-sacrifice. They should not expect to see an end to all their problems but rather a beginning to many greater problems and they must face the new problems and difficulties that will arise with courage and determination to do their duty in spite of the sacrifices they will be called upon to make." Without this sense of dedication, Malayanisation will become a humiliating scramble for spoils. The White Paper merely opens the door to Malayanisation. The completion of Malayanisation will rest, to a great extent, in the hands of our local officers. They must translate the high intentions of the White Paper into action. It is essential, Sir, that key posts should go to men of talent and men of dedication. Since the reconstituted Public Service Commission will have a decisive say in the choice of personnel, it is vital that this body should be constituted of men who understand and appreciate the purposes of Malayanisation. If the Public Service Commission is composed of weak, timid and servile fumblers, then the result will be a civil service tainted with the timidity, servility and futility of those who choose them. There is one point here, Sir, on which the Government needs to be criticised severely. It is on the question of compensation. We all agree that officers whose careers have been cut short should receive some compensation. This obligation is moral rather than legal; but there is a world of difference between a just compensation and lavish baksheesh. A moral obligation should not be made a pretext for unbridled generosity at the taxpayers' expense. We do not grudge reasonable compensation to abolished officers, but why should we make them lottery winners? On what basis was this compensation computed, and who computed it? It is not compensation but downright plunder. I cannot blame the expatriate officer, Sir, for attempting to get as much as he can by way of compensation, but even he must have been surprised at the size of the give-away. Sir, I cannot accept the scale of compensation offered. 3.11 p.m.

Mr Speaker, Sir, the Government has given a lot of thought to the question of implementing the recommendations of the Malayanisation Commission's Report and has in its White Paper paid due regard to the efficiency of the public service during the transition period. It is good to know, Sir, that something is at last being done to enable officers, who have never had the good fortune to go to a university, to earn promotion to the highest post if they prove, by their experience, to be worthy of promotion. In the police force, Sir, there is now to be a ladder of promotion from the rank and file to the highest post, and direct entry to the rank of Assistant Superintendent of Police and above is to be abolished. This is a move in the right direction. The compensation offered by Government to the expatriate officers is, in my opinion, too generous. These officers are very lucky to have come to this country after the last war with the British military forces and to have found jobs here. They did not possess the qualifications required of local officers and were lucky to find jobs which they would never have dreamt to obtain if they had remained at home. They have been generously paid for the work that they have done and are now to be compensated for the loss of employment. I do not see any justification, Sir, in these officers receiving more than what expatriate officers elsewhere received when they had to leave the service on account of merdeka. 3.14 p.m.

Mr Speaker, Sir, I listened with great amusement to the remarks that were made by the Member for Tanjong Pagar. I assume that his remarks were made facetiously. Since they have been made, I think I had better meet them in case there may be some who think there is some substance in the attacks. On the question of chest physicians, I think the hon. Member said that, were I to go to the hospital, I would be "fixed" by our local medical officers. I would certainly be very pleased indeed to lend myself to be "fixed" by the local medical officers in whom I have the greatest confidence. [Interruption.]

Order. If there is to be an intervention, it should be made properly.

With regard to the chest physicians, Sir, we have four posts now and one more has been passed for 1957. Of those four posts, two are held by expatriates of considerable experience, and with the tremendous advance that we are making in T.B. treatment, more and more will be needed next year and the years to come. I can see no likelihood that the retention of these two expatriates, if they are willing to stay, will in any way block the advancement of local medical officers. During the next few days there will be an addition of 408 beds to Tan Tock Seng Hospital and another 408 beds later, in addition to the 500 existing beds, making a total of 1,316 beds; and when certain accommodation is released - it is now being occupied by nurses - we will have a total of 1,100 beds. Of the remaining posts, two are being held by local officers. One of the posts has been earmarked to be a superscale key post in the new T.B. unit the operation of which we hope to commence next year. I accept, of course, the excuse of the Member for Tanjong Pagar when he said that he had not had sufficient time to study the scheme of Malayanisation of the medical service, and when he has done so, I do not think he will have any cause whatsoever to say that our officers have to wait ten years before they can occupy key posts. The offer of ten years further service to these chest physicians has been criticised, but I can see no ground for criticism. As I have said before, of the four posts of chest physician, two will be vacant and additional posts will be required. It is not therefore a question of retaining expatriate officers who stand in the way of the local officers, but rather of retaining what we need until sufficient local officers are available. It is quite obvious that with the increase in our T.B. work, a considerable number of consultant posts will be required and all these will be subsequently filled, and filled shortly, by available officers. We need all of them. The Member for Serangoon spoke a lot about the time when local officers had to wait five years and ten years and so forth before they could reach a super-scale post, and that they were frustrated. I agree with him, but I can only remind him that that was at a time when the Government was claimed to be predominantly "Progressive". The offer of six years to the Pharmaceutical Chemist was criticised by the Member for Tanjong Pagar. There are three posts in that department of which two are vacant, and we shall certainly need that one expatriate officer for six years in view of the rate of expansion of the medical service today. The Member for Serangoon also criticised the retention of male nurses for six years. The position here is that we have two superscale and nine time-scale appointments, and two additional posts have been entered in next year's estimates. Four of these posts are vacant. It has proved very difficult to find local candidates for training as male nurses since work in the Woodbridge Hospital is not popular. With the expansion of Woodbridge Hospital, it is undoubtedly necessary to retain the four expatriate male nurses for six years, if we can, and there are plenty of vacancies for our local officers. They will all be absorbed. The Member for Sembawang said that Government was over-cautious regarding the medical service. I am glad he said so because I wish to agree with him. Government has to be extremely cautious, especially in the Ministry of Health, because we have the health and the lives of the people of Singapore to look after, and, as long as I am in charge of this Ministry, I will certainly see to it that we give of the best we can. Should the Member for Tanjong Pagar and the Member for Serangoon or their family have ever the need - God forbid! (to use an expression which is very popular with the Member for Tanjong Pagar) - of going to our hospitals for attention, and did not receive the best, I am certain that they would take the first plane out to another country where they would get more adequate service. The Chief Minister rose -

Mr Chief Minister, in reply? 3.21 p.m.

Yes, Sir. Mr Speaker, Sir, the Member for Tanjong Pagar stated that, in his view, it was wrong not to appoint a local officer to be Permanent Secretary to the Treasury and head of the civil service. Sir, as explained in paragraph 3 of the White Paper, we have adopted the arrangement of two senior officers, one responsible for finance and the other for personnel, as being the most practical immediate arrangement, and have stated that subsequently it may be found desirable to have one Permanent Secretary to the Treasury of a higher grade than the corresponding officers in the other Ministries. Sir, the Member for Tanjong Pagar also touched on the judiciary. Sir, the judiciary has been deliberately omitted from the White Paper because their position is a matter for discussion with the Secretary of State when constitutional talks are reopened early next year. The Member for Tanjong Pagar, too, Sir, touched on the police. The Government was unable to accept the Malayanisation Commission's recommendation for complete Malayanisation of the police force in three years, because this would mean promotion of the most senior local officers from four to five ranks to take over the top positions. Moreover, the immediate loss of half of its officer strength would mean denuding the ranks of the inspectorate of all its experienced officers in order to fill the resulting vacancies in the ranks of Assistant Superintendent. We have therefore accepted the run-down of expatriate officers put forth by the Commissioner of Police which will be completed by the end of 1962. It must not be assumed that because 30 expatriate officers in the rank of Deputy Superintendent of Police and above are being offered continued employment for six years, they will all remain for that period. A number will, in any case, reach the age of retirement and we must expect that others will either opt to retire or be transferred on promotion. Our problem, therefore, was to ensure that a sufficient number of these 30 officers remain in the force until our local officers were ready to take over completely. It is for this reason that we have offered continued employment with promotion prospects for six years. Sir, I cannot believe that the Member for Tanjong Pagar really intended the reflections which he cast upon the courage and integrity of our local police officers. They have shown on many occasions that they are second to none in the world, not only in their professional ability but also in their personal courage and integrity. Sir, both the Member for Tanjong Pagar and the Member for Serangoon stated that while they gave the White Paper their general approval, they criticised the detailed decisions recorded in the Schedule. I must make it clear, Sir, that the decisions recorded in the Schedule are the basis necessary for informing the expatriate officers concerned of the length of period for which they can continue to serve. This must be done almost immediately and there can be no going back on assurances once they have been given. It would be unreasonable to ask the officers concerned to make their decision unless they could be assured that the details in the Schedule are firm. The Nominated Member Mr Sutherland touched on the question of Malayanisation in such bodies as the City Council, the Singapore Harbour Board and the Singapore Telephone Board. Sir, it would not be proper for the Government to commit these bodies. Furthermore, it must not be overlooked that the terms and conditions of employment of the expatriate officers in these bodies are not the same as those applicable to expatriate officers in the public service. Three hon. Members, Sir - the Member for Cairnhill, the Member for Sembawang and the Member for Ponggol-Tampenis - touched on the compensation terms. Sir, I have already given notice that I will move the Second Reading of the Retirement from the Public Service (Compensation) Bill tomorrow. It is therefore my intention not to reply to the points which they have raised now but to deal with them tomorrow when the matter comes up for discussion.

Question put, and agreed to. Resolved, That this Assembly approves the policy of Malayanisation of the public service as set out in Sessional Paper No. Cmd. 65 of 1956.

3.28 p.m. The Assistant Minister for Local Government, Lands and Housing (Mr Tan Theng Chiang): Mr Speaker, Sir, I beg to move, That this Assembly approves the Improvement Rate of 2 per centum on the annual value of all houses, buildings, lands and tenements within the City of Singapore, fixed by the Singapore Improvement Trust under subsection (1) of section 22 of the Singapore Improvement Ordinance (Cap. 259) for the year 1957. Sir, this rate cannot, by law, exceed 5 per cent on property within the city area. Hitherto the rate has always been 2 per cent and the Trustees recommend no change in the rate for 1957. The approval of the Assembly is again required for this rate under the Singapore Improvement Ordinance. This rate, which is in lieu of the Improvement Rate referred to in section 59 of the Municipal Ordinance, is collected by the City Council and paid over half-yearly to the Trust. The money from this rate, together with the equivalent Government contribution under section 23 of the Singapore Improvement Ordinance, is estimated at $2,000,900 and forms one of the major items of revenue of the Trust and is paid into the Improvement Fund. These moneys are spent on improvement schemes, the rehousing of persons dehoused under this scheme, the opening of backlanes, the provision of open spaces in congested areas, and generally on the maintenance of the general improvement plan. Sir, I beg to move.

Sir, I second it.

Question put, and agreed to. Resolved, That this Assembly approves the Improvement Rate of 2 per centum on the annual value of all houses, buildings, lands and tenements within the City of Singapore, fixed by the Singapore Improvement Trust under subsection (1) of section 22 of the Singapore Improvement Ordinance (Cap. 259) for the year 1957.

3.30 p.m.

Sir, I have His Excellency the Governor's authority to move, That this Assembly approves of the loan by the Government to the Singapore Telephone Board of a sum not exceeding $15 millions at an interest rate of 5� per cent per annum repayable over a period of twenty years by half yearly installments based on the annuity method to be secured by a legal mortgage of the properties and assets belonging to and to which the Board holds legal title for the purpose of capital expenditure on the Board's expansion programme. Sir, as hon. Members are aware, the Telephone Board was set up in 1955 to operate the telephone undertaking which Government had acquired from the Oriental Telephone and Electrical Company Limited. The Board is charged with the task of providing an efficient telephone service for the public of Singapore. It is given wide powers under this Ordinance to carry out this task. Since it was established, the Board has set itself to push on with the forward policy of expansion. Following up plans prepared by the Oriental Telephone and Electrical Company, the Singapore telephone system was doubled in its capacity between 1950 and 1955. In the succeeding five years up to 1960, it is planned to double the capacity once more and, at the same time, looking ahead to future requirements to provide a basis for even larger extensions in the years to come. In order to implement this policy, a five-year programme has been drawn up covering work to be undertaken up to 1960. In accordance with this programme, it is planned that in 1957 the North Exchange in Thomson Road, the Queenstown Exchange, and the Bukit Panjang Exchange will be completed. In 1958 work will be finished on the City Exchange and on the extensions to the Central Exchange and the Paya Lebar Exchange. By 1959 it is hoped that exchanges will be completed at Tanjong Katong and possibly Nee Soon and Jurong. This is a very large and expensive programme and it has been calculated that, in order to finance it, the Telephone Board will require between now and the end of 1959 $15 million over and above any revenue surplus that may be available from year to year. Of this $15 million, $5 million will be required late in 1956 or early in 1957, and the balance over the next two years as the progress of work demands. In this connection, Sir, the Singapore Telephone Board has requested that it should be allowed to draw the money as and when it is actually required, so that interest will not fall due to be paid in advance of the actual need for expenditure. This is the practice followed at the present time in respect of loans to the Singapore Improvement Trust and is, of course, acceptable to Government. The Board's investment in new buildings and equipment will show early financial returns. There is a steady demand for new telephone facilities, and there is no doubt that the increased number of subscribers, as each new exchange comes into action, will mean a steady rise in the Board's disposable income. As far as can be foreseen, the Telephone Board should have no difficulty in meeting the annual installments of the loan by 1959. As regards the question of financing the Board, it has been decided that funds for development should be provided by Government, and that the Board should not, for the present at any rate, make any independent effort to raise funds from the public. Financial requirements for the Board have been taken into account in Government's plans for capital development over the next five years, which I mentioned when introducing the 1957 Appropriation Bill. As regards the terms of the loan, it is considered that interest at the rate of 5� per cent will be fair and reasonable in the present circumstances. The loan will be repaid over a period of 20 years by annual installments calculated on the annuity basis. This is the method of repayment adopted in the case of a recent loan to the Singapore Improvement Trust. Sir, I beg to move.

Sir, I second it.

Question put, and agreed to. Resolved, That this Assembly approves of the loan by the Government to the Singapore Telephone Board of a sum not exceeding $15 millions at an interest rate of 5� per cent per annum repayable over a period of twenty years by half yearly installments based on the annuity method to be secured by a legal mortgage of the properties and assets belonging to and to which the Board holds legal title for the purpose of capital expenditure on the Board's expansion programme.

3.42 p.m.

Sir, I have His Excellency the Governor's authority to move, That this Assembly resolves that the sum of $842,826 shall be supplied to the Government under the heads of expenditure and for the services specified in the Schedule contained in Sessional Paper No. Cmd. 63 of 1956. Sir, the need for this supplementary vote is fully explained in the Sessional Paper and I have nothing to add to it. Sir, I beg to move.

Sir, I second it.

Committee of Supply, what day?

Now, Sir. Motion and Schedule considered in Committee of Supply.

Schedule

The summary is at page 8. Head 3- The sum of $1,500 for Head 3 ordered to stand part of the Schedule. Head 18- The sum of $806 for Head 18 ordered to stand part of the Schedule. Head 20- The sum of $30,000 for Head 20 ordered to stand part of the Schedule. Head 21- The sum of $70,652 for Head 21 ordered to stand part of the Schedule. Head 22- The sum of $16,640 for Head 22 ordered to stand part of the Schedule. Head 34- The sum of $4,260 for Head 34 ordered to stand part of the Schedule. Head 43- The sum of $11,013 for Head 43 ordered to stand part of the Schedule. Head 50- The sum of $2,900 for Head 50 ordered to stand part of the Schedule. Head 52- The sum of $58,000 for Head 52 ordered to stand part of the Schedule. Head 54- The sum of $5,965 for Head 54 ordered to stand part of the Schedule. Head 56- The sum of $692,350 for Head 56 ordered to stand part of the Schedule. Head 48- The sum of $11,000 for Head 48 ordered to stand part of the Schedule.

Turning to the motion, the Question is, "That the sum of $842,826 for the Heads of Expenditure and for the services specified in the Schedule stand part of the motion."

Question put, and agreed to. The sum of $842,826 for the Heads of Expenditure and for the services specified in the Schedule ordered to stand part of the motion.

Sir, I move, That the motion and Schedule be reported to the Assembly.

Question put, and agreed to. Motion and Schedule reported, without Amendment. Question, That this Assembly resolves that the sum of $842,826 shall be supplied to the Government under the heads of expenditure and for the services specified in the Schedule contained in Sessional Paper No. Cmd. 63 of 1956, put, and agreed to. Resolved, That this Assembly resolves that the sum of $842,826 shall be supplied to the Government under the heads of expenditure and for the services specified in the Schedule contained in Sessional Paper No. Cmd. 63 of 1956.

3.43 p.m.

Sir, I have His Excellency the Governor's authority to move, That this Assembly resolves that the sum of $149,480 shall be supplied to the Government under the heads of expenditure and for the services specified in the Schedule contained in Sessional Paper No. Cmd. 64 of 1956. Sir, this is a small Schedule seeking provision for three important items in 1957. Hon. Members will note, I feel sure with satisfaction, that Dr Benham has been persuaded to return to Singapore to serve as Economic Adviser to the Chief Minister. Dr Benham requires no introduction to hon. Members. It is only a little more than 18 months since he left Singapore after serving for eight years as Economic Adviser to the Commissioner-General. He is an economist of international reputation and he has an unrivalled knowledge of economic and financial circumstances not only of Singapore but also of all the other territories in South-East Asia. We have been fortunate in that he has been able to obtain leave of absence from his present employers for a period of a year. His knowledge and experience will be of the greatest value during this period of constitutional change and economic development in Singapore. Provision is also sought for the salary of the Assistant Minister in the Chief Secretary's Ministry and also the salary of his confidential stenographer. A supplement of $75,680 is also required for the purchase of furniture and equipment for four new blocks at the Woodbridge Hospital. Sir, I beg to move.

Sir, I second it.

Committee of Supply, what day?

Now, Sir. Motion and Schedule considered in Committee of Supply. [Mr Speaker in the Chair] Schedule

The summary is at page 2. Head 7- Question proposed, "That the sum of $48,000 for Head 7 stand part of the Schedule."

Mr Chairman, Sir, I missed the opportunity during the Budget debate of drawing attention to the fact that for the past year it has been the practice of this Government to put in an unending number of supplementary votes. The practice in the United Kingdom is that in Easter the Budget is presented and every item -

Order. I take it the hon. Member is speaking in general terms and not addressing his remarks to this particular item?

Indeed.

In that case, would the hon. Member wait until I propose the Question on the motion itself and then his remarks will be in order?

Sir, I had intended to make certain general remarks and also certain particular remarks as regards this particular item.

Will the hon. Member then, to start off with, make his particular remarks on this particular item?

Mr Chairman, Sir, the post of Economic Adviser to the Chief Minister is one of those appointments which were initiated by his predecessor. We in this House are very much in the dark as to what exactly are the duties of such an Economic Adviser. We do know that the previous Economic Adviser produced a number of reports, including the Report of the Committee on Minimum Standards of Livelihood. But we would like to know: first, why this item was not included in the normal Budget Estimates if the post was considered a permanent one; and, secondly, why it is proposed to engage, however internationally well known that person may be, an Economic Adviser at the prohibitive salary of no less than $4,000 a month? 3.47 p.m.

Sir, first of all, on the question of the duties of the Economic Adviser, these are, of course, to examine and advise on all matters of economic and financial importance to the Colony of Singapore, as may be directed for investigation either by the Chief Minister or the Council of Ministers or by the Financial Secretary. As regards the question why provision was not made in the normal Budget Estimates, it is only very recently that we have been able to obtain the services of Dr Benham. We were not in a position to make any provision for the post when the Estimates were printed. Lastly, as to why, according to the Member for Tanjong Pagar, we have to pay a "prohibitive" salary to Dr Benham, we have to pay the proper fee for ability, and Dr Benham's ability is unquestioned, and I have no doubt in my mind that we will get full value for the money which we pay to Dr Benham in the course of next year.

Sir, why was no token vote entered for the post of Economic Adviser when it was intended to continue this particular appointment?

I can only say that it was overlooked, Sir.

Disgusting!

Question put, and agreed to. The sum of $48,000 for Head 7 ordered to stand part of the Schedule. Head 8- The sum of $25,800 for Head 8 ordered to stand part of the Schedule. Head D 49- The sum of $75,680 for Head D 49 ordered to stand part of the Schedule.

Turning to the motion, the Question is, "That the sum of $149,480 for the Heads of Expenditure and for the services specified in the Schedule stand part of the motion."

Mr Chairman, Sir, the practice in the United Kingdom is that in Easter the Budget is presented and the nation and Parliament know once and for all what the Government proposes to do with the finances of the country for the next fiscal year. In the autumn sums which are required but which could not be foreseen are introduced in a Supplementary Budget. But it has been the practice, in pre-Rendel days, and for the whole of the last session of this Assembly we allowed it to pass unnoticed, to put in a supplementary vote at almost every sitting of this Assembly. Sir, barely one month from the Budget debates, we are today presented with two supplementary votes of about a million dollars. None of these items of expenditure could be said to have been in the "could-not-be-foreseen" category. Every item that appears here - from the provision of Economic Adviser to the Chief Minister, to the Assistant Minister on to the confidential stenographer to the Assistant Minister - could have been foreseen and should have been included in the Budget, which is the proper time for discussion and debate. We must oppose this practice, on principle, of having the Budget of this country debated piecemeal at every sitting of this Assembly. Sir, the Financial Secretary should understand that the House expects at the beginning of each fiscal year to know exactly what it is asked to vote for, how it is going to be spent, and does not expect to be approached at every sitting with items which should have been foreseen but were not, either through negligence or carelessness or sheer stupidity. 3.52 p.m.

Sir, the first point is that it is inevitable that throughout the year we have to make applications for funds for services which could not be foreseen at the time the Budget was drawn up. Preparation of the Budget starts in February of each year for the following year. It is printed for the first time at the end of August and any corrections are subsequently made. It is not very easy after the first printing of the Estimates to make many corrections and it is inevitable that many services which are required in the following year are left out of the Estimates. That is not true of Singapore alone; it happens in every country in the world. As regards the number of applications for supplementary vote, we have achieved a very considerable reduction this year in comparison with any previous year, and the hon. Member will find this to be true if he compares the totals of the last Schedule for 1955 and the last Schedule for 1956. It is inevitable that things which should have been foreseen are omitted. We cannot be omniscient. We cannot foresee everything. We are liable to make mistakes, as perhaps the hon. Member is. On the other hand, I do not think there are many occasions when we have to come to this Assembly and ask for funds for services which could have been foreseen. Lastly, as regards the method of presentation of these applications for supplementary vote, before the new constitution came into being we considered very carefully what procedure we should follow - whether we should proceed on the lines of the United Kingdom Government where the Government operate a very, very large Civil Contingencies Vote. It is from that vote that the United Kingdom Government spend money on all the services which are similar to those for which we ask funds in these Sessional Papers; and towards the end of the year, in the autumn, when the Government brings up a Supplementary Budget, it is merely to ask for funds to meet the services which have already been paid for from the Civil Contingencies Vote and to make good the total of that vote. It may be that in future this Government will operate on the principle followed by the House of Commons, but I thought in March 1955 that it would be better for the time being if we proceeded on the basis of Sessional Papers rather than on the basis of a Supplementary Budget once or twice a year. This procedure does keep Members in touch with the course of expenditure incurred by the Government for services which they supply, and Members are not kept in the dark for a period of nine months until the first Supplementary Budget comes up. I still think, after an experience of 18 months of this procedure, that it is the best procedure which we can have at the present time. As I have said, perhaps in the future we will adopt the House of Commons procedure.

Mr Chairman, I do feel that the answer given by the Financial Secretary has not entirely convinced me. He has admitted that there was an oversight in the case of Head 7 and I suspect that it may have been the case in respect of Head 8 and Head D 49. I do feel there is something wrong with a procedure by which within one fortnight of the Budget sittings we are asked to pass a further $150,000 for 1957.

With regard to the cases which my hon. Friend the Member for Tanglin has mentioned, apart from that dealing with the appointment of Dr Benham, it was really a matter of printing the Estimates. If my memory serves, I think my colleague the Assistant Minister in the Chief Secretary's Ministry was appointed sometime in October. By that time, we realised, of course, that funds would be required to pay his salary for 1957 and it was suggested to me that the provision might be included in the Draft Estimates. In fact, it was suggested that we might move in Committee of Supply that an addition be made to the Estimates, and it was my decision then that we would come with an application for supplementary provision at the last sitting of this year to obtain funds rather than to alter the Estimates and cause the Printer yet further trouble. Sir, the Member for Tanjong Pagar is gasping with astonishment! No doubt when his turn comes to prepare the Estimates he will find it just as difficult as we now find it.

Question put, and agreed to. The sum of $149,480 for the Heads of Expenditure and for the services specified in the Schedule ordered to stand part of the motion.

Sir, I beg to move, That the motion and Schedule be reported to the Assembly.

Question put, and agreed to. Motion and Schedule reported, without Amendment. Question, That this Assembly resolves that the sum of $149,480 shall be supplied to the Government under the heads of expenditure and for the services specified in the Schedule contained in Sessional Paper No. Cmd. 64 of 1956, put, and agreed to. Resolved, That this Assembly resolves that the sum of $149,480 shall be supplied to the Government under the heads of expenditure and for the services specified in the Schedule contained in Sessional Paper No. Cmd. 64 of 1956.

3.59 p.m.

Sir, I have His Excellency the Governor's authority to move, That this Assembly, pursuant to subsection (2) of section 11 of the Customs Ordinance (Chapter 160 of the Revised Edition), resolves that the Customs (Duties) (No. 2) (Amendment No. 2) Order, 1956, published as Notification No. S 347 in the Gazette Supplement No. 90 of 3rd December, 1956, as contained in Sessional Paper No. S.L. 37 of 1956, be confirmed. Sir, hon. Members will recollect that on 7th November the rates of duty on unmanufactured tobacco were raised from $4.40 per pound full and $4.20 per pound preferential to $6 per pound full and $5.80 per pound preferential, by virtue of Customs (Duties) (No. 2) Order, 1956, which was published in the Gazette the next day. Subsequently representations were made by the trade to the effect that this increase in duty on leaf tobacco -

Order. Moment of interruption. Resumption of discussion, what day?

Tomorrow, Sir. Remaining items on the Order Paper taken as read, and set down for tomorrow.

Mr Speaker, Sir, I move, That this Assembly do now adjourn. The Assistant Minister for Labour and Welfare (Mr Mak Pak Shee): Sir, I second the motion. Question proposed.

4.01 p.m.

Mr Speaker, Sir, in the debate over the purge carried out by the Labour Front Coalition Government, I indicated to the House that private employers were carrying out little purges of their own. The Chief Minister, in his reply, sought to minimise the actions that private employers were taking against their workers. In the five weeks since that debate, I regret to have to inform the House that there have been more cases of flagrant abuse by employers of their position of strength as a result of the Government's purge. Those affected are mostly in the Bus Workers Union and the Shop and Factory Workers Union. In the case of the Bus Workers Union, Members in this House will recall that the Bus Owners Association, shortly after our debate, decided that the agreement with their union was no longer valid because, technically, they claimed the workers had broken a condition of their agreement by going on a lightning strike without notice. Fortunately, the intervention of the Member for Tiong Bahru (Mr William Tan) with the President of the Bus Owners Association prevented the bus owners from going through with this folly. But individual members of the Bus Owners Association are, to the knowledge of the Ministry of Labour, carrying out a vicious purge quite contrary to what the Government itself wants them to do. In the case of the Hock Lee bus owners, the Minister for Labour is aware that his own Government released some ten persons working for Hock Lee whom the Government had detained for suspected subversive activities. When they were released, the Special Branch took the trouble of informing the Ministry of Labour that there was nothing to prevent these men from being re-employed by Hock Lee. The Ministry of Labour tried to persuade the Hock Lee bus owners to take them back, but they refused, because it would appear that the 5th of November was the expiry of the bus owners' deadline by which time everybody who had not returned to work was considered dismissed. As the adviser to the Bus Workers Union, I then wrote to the bus owners and asked them whether it was reasonable to expect people who were detained in one of Her Majesty's prisons to report for duty. No satisfactory conclusion has been reached and a very bitter situation is fast developing in that company. It may be that nothing explosive will happen in the next six to twelve months; but surely the Government, even if the owners do not realise it, must expect that this bitterness will lead to another explosion one of these days? The Government is in a position to apply not only moral but economic pressure on the company, apart from legal pressure by passing new legislation if necessary, to see that there is no intimidation and victimisation of workers by private employers. The other bus company which took the opportunity to carry out a punitive expedition of its own was the Tay Koh Yat Bus Company. I told the House then that members of the old union were being penalised by being made to work two-hour shifts. The Chief Minister was advised by his permanent officials that that was not so. That it was not so was because immediately after the disclosure in this House the old workers were put back on eight-hour shifts; but soon after, the employers, for the first time, told all the workers that they must stop working for one day each week, as required by the new Labour Ordinance - a compulsory rest day without pay - in order that they can be penalised; and that the spare pool which the employers have gathered for themselves in readiness for such an event could be given gainful employment. Two weeks later, 15 conductors, because they had not collected more than a certain number of dollars per day, which the employers expected them to collect, were suspended from duty. Again the intervention of the Member for Tiong Bahru resolved what might have become an ugly situation. A number of Shop and Factory Workers Union branches had similar skirmishes with the employers, and again these are known to the Ministry of Labour. The Thye Hong Biscuit Factory took the opportunity to repudiate an agreement with the Union and to reduce wages by about one-third. Intervention by the Ministry of Labour persuaded the employers not to implement this downgrading of wage rates. One week later the employers proceeded again to downgrade wages. Again intervention by the Ministry of Labour managed to get the employers to promise - no more than promise - that they will wait until the Chinese New Year before they reduce wages. Some European employers, too, have decided to take advantage of the situation. There was one case of Thorny-croft's. There again, on the pretext that the workers had gone on a lightning strike and therefore repudiated the agreement, they sacked over ten workers, although in the agreement with the workers it was agreed that there would be no dismissals in case of redundancy, but that there would be a roster system so that everybody will be given some work and not retrenched. Fortunately, intervention, again by the Ministry of Labour, and negotiations between the union and the management produced some amicable settlement by way of severance pay for the ten odd persons who were dismissed. But the management gave notice that in the not too distant future they proposed to change the clause in the agreement, which they said was not valid, but which they were finally persuaded to accept as still valid. But I think the most flagrant of all the employers was Messrs. George Lee Motors, whose proprietor is also the proprietor of the Nanyang Siang Pau. As a result of the activities of this particular entrepreneur, the regular reporter from the Nanyang Siang Pau is missing because he has been given the sack. The Government should realise what some Chinese towkays interpret the Government's action to mean. Some 20 workers in Messrs. George Lee Enterprises were sacked for no reason whatsoever. According to the workers, they were sacked because they had been active in a trade union which was a branch of the Singapore Shop and Factory Workers Union. When the workers asked Mr George Lee why they were sacked, they were told to see Mr Lim Ching Siong, who was in jail. The workers unfortunately did not go to the Ministry of Labour; nothing happened and they were dismissed. In the case of Mr George Lee and the Nanyang Siang Pau, the Minister for Labour must be well aware of the private purge that this gentleman has embarked on. When Mr Seah Yong was released, Mr George Lee told the Singapore Union of Journalists that he was delighted and that he would take Mr Seah Yong back. One hour later, he issued a press statement saying that it was not the policy of his newspaper "to have anyone on the staff who had been detained rightly or wrongly by the Government." Now there was a patriotic and loyal supporter of the anti-subversionist campaign of the Government. "Anyone detained rightly or wrongly by the Government" is, as far as Mr George Lee is concerned, persona non grata. Mr Seah Yong was not reengaged, but worse was to follow. Mr George Lee's reporters and translators had decided that they would be prudent. They left the Nanyang Staff Union, which was affiliated to the Singapore Factory and Shop Workers Union, and decided to join a moderate, reasonable, English-speaking, safe and respectable union, the Singapore Union of Journalists. The reporter who used to cover our proceedings in the Assembly, one Mr K. C. Lee, was the Vice-President of this Union. Mr K. C. Lee was active in Mr Seah Yong's interests and had moved the Singapore Union of Journalists to see the Chief Minister on no less than two occasions. This action, I believe, somewhat displeased Mr George Lee. The result was that on one occasion, at an editorial conference, Mr George Lee informed all present, including Mr K. C. Lee, that it would be very good for them to leave the Singapore Union of Journalists. Mr George Lee was told that it would be very bad for Mr George Lee to be known as anti-union, anti even a respectable and reasonable union like the Singapore Union of Journalists. He exploded and said, "Yes, I am anti-union and so what?" On the 30th of October he sacked five of his workers - one chief reporter, two reporters and two translators - who had not been detained by the Government and therefore, we must assume, had not been considered subversive. When the Union of Journalists asked him what was the reason for this precipitate action, he banged down the telephone, like the democrat that he is. Sir, the position is not yet acute except for those who have been personally victimised by these employers. But with the impending fate of the Singapore Factory and Shop Workers Union - I think I will not be prejudicing the intentions of the Minister for Labour if I say that we expect something to happen to that union - 35,000 workers will be disenfranchised trade unionists. Unless the Government takes preparatory measures, 35,000 workers are going to suffer at the hands of the employers, because when the union is dissolved, all their contracts with these employers are swept away. Before there is time for these workers to organise new unions or join some other union affiliated to the T.U.C., they will have lost whatever benefits they had won through the old union. It is imperative, if the Government does not want these men to suffer because it has, for whatever reasons, incarcerated their leaders, that interim legislation be introduced to prevent any employer from repudiating any term or condition of service which prevails between him and the union for a period of six or twelve months. During this period the employer should not alter any term or condition of service without the consent of the Commissioner of Labour. Within this period the workers will be given an opportunity to regroup and form new unions or join other existing unions. Unless this is done, the responsibility for widespread discontent that is bound to follow the action of the individual employers in taking advantage of the situation must be the Government's. Whatever the Government can say about its intentions - that they are just punishing the "subversive" leaders and not the workers themselves - the workers will come to the conclusion that the action of the Government has, in fact, resulted to the detriment of the interests of the workers themselves. I therefore give notice to the Minister for Labour that, unless the Government takes the initiative, as I hope it will, I shall at the next sitting of the Assembly propose that such legislation be introduced to tide over the necessary time lag between the dissolution of the existing unions and the formation of new ones, so that in this time lag no employer will be able to take advantage of the situation and get his own back on the workers and their organisations. 4.18 p.m.

Mr Speaker, Sir, out of an adjournment speech of about 18 minutes by the Member for Tanjong Pagar, I find that about seven minutes were spent on the triangle of the Lees - my good friend the Member for Tanjong Pagar (Mr Lee Kuan Yew), Mr George Lee and Mr K. C. Lee! It would appear that I am being held responsible for the misdeeds of Mr George Lee. Sir, my Ministry has been keeping a very watchful eye on the situation. Ever since the Government took action against subversive activities as a result of which a number of trade union leaders were arrested and detained, not because of their trade union activities but because of their subversive activities, reports have been received by the Labour Ministry of alleged victimisation; and whenever reports were received, the Labour Ministry officials endeavoured to call in the employer as well as the workers concerned with a view to finding a solution to their difficulties. The Member for Tanjong Pagar has touched on the work done by the Ministry of Labour and he himself has been very closely connected with two or three such negotiations. He has suggested, Sir, that the Government should give consideration to the question of interim legislation in order to freeze the increased wages and better conditions of employment that have been obtained for workers as a result of the activities of the Singapore Factory and Shop Workers Union. This matter, Sir, has been occupying my mind for some time and, as hon. Members know, I will be proceeding to London shortly, but I will leave instructions in my Ministry to explore the desirability or undesirability of introducing such legislation. But I must ask all workers in Singapore to come and report to the Ministry of Labour where there are, according to them, cases of victimisation. Unless we receive reports from the workers concerned, we will not be in a position to render whatever assistance we could give. The Member for Tanjong Pagar has said that, unless the Government agrees to introduce such interim legislation, his Party proposes to move a motion in this Assembly to achieve it. All I can say at this present juncture, Sir, is that I will cause a detailed investigation to be made into the desirability of introducing such legislation and the Member for Tanjong Pagar will be informed, at the latest by the next sitting of the Assembly in January, whether or not the Government considers it desirable to introduce such interim legislation.

Question put, and agreed to. Resolved, That this Assembly do now adjourn. Adjourned accordingly at 4.22 p.m.