Mr Speaker, Sir, I beg to move, That an Address be sent to His Excellency the Governor expressing the thanks of this Assembly for his speech delivered on Wednesday, 9th of April, 1958. Sir, nearly a fortnight has elapsed since the Government's policy for this last session has been made known in the Governor's Speech and this traditional motion is to give Opposition Members an opportunity to debate and criticise our policy. Sir, this is the second session since I became Chief Minister. The first session began on 29th August, 1956, and much has happened since then. 1 need not recount all the events which took place but there is one which I find it necessary to draw attention to because the threat is still with us although much diminished in venom. I refer to subversive activities and the Government's firm action against such elements. The Government's stand is again reiterated in that part of the Governor's Speech which reads: "The Government will continue its vigilance in countering Communist infiltration and sub-version and will not hesitate to take whatever steps are required to counter this threat to the livelihood and well-being of the citizens of Singapore." Sir, we will soon be entering a new era in our political evolution. The new constitution which the All-Party delegation brought back to Singapore from London last year in accordance with the mandate entrusted to the delegation by this Assembly will be brought into operation with the General Election. This new constitution is an honourable and satisfying discharge of the mandate of this Assembly. This record, Sir, would not be correct if I did not mention that there was one hon. Member who is now no longer with us, who felt so heartsick that he resigned and issued a challenge to a by-election against another Member who in honouring his acceptance of the challenge so boldly thrown out at him resigned, contested in the by-election on the matter in dispute, received the support of his electorate and is now still with us. The Member who issued the challenge resigned, did not contest in the by-election and declared that he was giving up politics. This new Constitution, Sir, is a challenge to the people of Singapore who, I am confident, will rise to the occasion and uphold the democratic form of government. This new Constitution opens the way to a richer prize, a prize worth capturing. Hence subversive elements are mustering their forces and endeavouring to open up new fronts, having lost the old fronts through Government's firm action, by finding stooges from among persons who are prepared to prostitute themselves for their own ends, or who are so blinded by their own evil that they unwittingly lend themselves to be made use of by these evil forces to the detriment of the well-being of the citizens of Singapore. In any community one is bound to find such persons, and I hope and pray that their eyes will be opened in time to the fact that they are playing with fire which will surely destroy them in the end. As I said earlier, Sir, the new Constitution is a challenge to the citizens of Singapore. The Government is pledged to wipe out the destructive forces in our midst, and there can be no relaxation in our vigilance; but this fight can be hampered if the citizens of Singapore do not guard themselves against evil and destructive propaganda. During the last session the Government had an uphill fight against the evil propaganda that was being disseminated by subversive elements and swallowed by gullible people who should have thought better. This Government was accused of being against Chinese education and Chinese culture. The Government's primary duty is to protect the well-being of the citizens, and in the discharge of this sacred duty we had to take action against certain Chinese middle schools and had to detain under the Preservation of Public Security Ordinance a number of students from these schools, because their subversive activities in these schools were a grave threat to the well-being not only of their fellow-students but also of Singapore. It is from the student body that the future leaders of Singapore will arise, and if they are not put on the right track while in school to become worthy citizens, their future will be blighted, their outlook will be distorted, and they will be a liability instead of an asset to the country. This action of the Government taken in the best interests of the citizens of Singapore was twisted by disruptive forces for the consumption of gullible people as an action against Chinese education and Chinese culture. Let us examine the Government's education policy based on the All-Party Report. For the first time in the history of Singapore, Chinese education has an equal place. Teachers in Chinese schools are put at par with teachers in English schools, thus receiving large increases in their emoluments. This year the Government is spending $15 million on Chinese education. This, Sir, we claim is indeed a proud record. In the short space of two years we have done more for Chinese education than all the previous administrations put together, and very much more than governments in neighbouring countries having Chinese populations. I do not fear any contradiction on this. I have offered to send a small group of students from Chinese schools on a visit to these neighbouring countries, and even to the Chinese mainland, to see for themselves. I have received a good number of applications and these are at present being considered, and arrangements will be made to send a group on the tour during the August school vacation. This is the Government's answer to the evil forces which preach and misguide people to foolishly believe that this Government is against Chinese education. The Nanyang University, Sir, was recently officially opened by the Governor. I have stated on several occasions during, the past few months that the Government will give recognition to Nanyang University degrees, but before this can be done, it has been proposed to appoint a Commission of Scholars to advise on recognition, thus giving weight to such recognition. The delay in the appointment of this Commission has been due to the attitude of the Nanyang University authorities. A happy change, Sir, has now taken place, and proposals for a Commission of Scholars to advise on recognition are going forward. When this has been resolved, the Government will grant financial aid if required, thereby helping to make the Nanyang University an institution of high learning of which we can all be proud. Can anyone honestly and truthfully say that this Government is against Chinese education? For the first time in the history of Singapore we have a multilingual City Council and will soon have multilingual District Councils and a multilingual Legislative Assembly. The Chinese language is given due place in debates in these Councils and in the Legislature. And the gates of this august Assembly are thrown wide open by our citizenship laws, under which some 300,000 Chinese who were not born in Singapore have registered as citizens. Their names will appear on electoral rolls for the forthcoming general elections, and I look forward to seeing candidates fielded from among this group. Thus, Chinese-speaking Chinese and China-born Chinese who have become citizens of Singapore enjoy for the first time the same rights and privileges as all other citizens. I do not, Sir, for a moment doubt that in enjoying these rights and privileges they will not forget that they too have responsibilities towards the State of Singapore which will soon be brought into being under the new Constitution. Sir, are actions on the part of the Government such as I have recounted against Chinese education and Chinese culture? Oh, citizens of Singapore, be not bluffed again! Listen not to evil propaganda! Guard against this and let us march forward together, and fight subversive forces and rout them! Rout them out and make this Singapore of ours a happier and a better land to live in. I must confess, Sir, that we would have lost our fight last session against subversive forces had we not been endowed with the Marshall law by my predecessor. I refer to the Preservation of Public Security Ordinance. The people of Singapore should be grateful, as this Government is indeed grateful, to him for introducing this Marshall law, which is a very effective weapon against the rampages of the Communists and their fellow-travellers. This Marshall law emanated from the mind of a man who was most vehemently against Communism, and among his other achievements, this is the most outstanding one when he was Chief Minister. My colleagues and I thank him, this Assembly thank him, and above all the people of Singapore thank him too. And now, Sir, a few words about our relationship with the Federation of Malaya. I quote from the Governor's Speech: "The Government is happy to record the continued cordial relationship which it enjoys with the Government of the Federation of Malaya. The Government takes the stand that union with the Federation is inevitable, and will direct its energies towards creating a climate and conditions conducive to such a union." Sir, the Federation Prime Minister, Tunku Abdul Rahman, is a man of great understanding and appreciation of the ties between Singapore and the Federation of Malaya. The two territories are inter-dependent. One cannot prosper without the other. Any threat to the economic well-being and security of one is a threat to the other. I therefore hope and pray that the causeway which bridges the hopes and aspirations of true Malayans will not be turned into a real political barrier detrimental to both territories. And this Government is directing its energies to seeing that this does not happen. Sir, in the Governor's Speech there is this paragraph: "The Government intends to recommend to the Assembly the holding of elections for an enlarged Assembly under the new Constitution as soon as it is practically possible to do so. The time-table will depend on the preparation and enactment of the necessary constitutional instruments and legislation as well as any measures which this Assembly may decide to adopt in order to improve the electoral procedure. The Government intends that the agreement with the United Kingdom Government on the form of the constitutional instruments should be made by the All-Party delegation which took part in the Constitutional discussion last year." Sir, questions have been asked at this sitting on the constitutional instruments, the date of coming into effect of the new Constitution, the proposed trip to London, and the Member for Changi has asked Government's view on the introduction of legislation for compulsory voting although he had very much earlier tabled a motion in support of compulsory voting - Motion No. 9 on the Order Paper. All these questions, Sir, have been answered this morning and the motion will be debated at its due time. The answers which I have given to questions on the draft Constitution need not be amplified. I would like, however, to say a few words more about the London trip. I hope to receive before the end of this month from the Colonial Office the draft Constitution so that copies can be handed to members of the All-Party delegation for their study. I will call meetings of the All-Party delegation so that we can sort out our ideas on the matter before proceeding to London to finalise the constitutional instruments. The discussions will begin in London on 12th May, and the delegation will be the guests of the United Kingdom Government to whom I wish to record my thanks for this hospitality. I am sure hon. Members will agree with me that the quickest possible way of finalising the draft Constitution is by discussions around the table and not by protracted correspondence or telegraphic communication. The purpose of the London trip is clear, and yet there are dishonest politicians who try to read into it motives that are manifestly false. I have been accused of wanting to reach an understanding with the Colonial Office to appoint me as Yang di-Pertuan Negara under the new Constitution. Sir, the agreement reached in London with the Colonial Office bars the appointment as Yang di-Pertuan Negara of any person who is closely connected with politics. How can I ever be, I wonder? I have also been accused, Sir, of trying to seek Colonial Office approval to extend the Rendel Constitution so that I can continue to be Chief Minister. What utter falsehood. The job of Chief Minister was thrust upon me in June 1956 at a time of crisis. I did not want it, but duty to my country and service to the people of Singapore demanded that I should take it up. The carrying of two jobs - that of Chief Minister and of Minister for Labour and Welfare - is a heavy one and my health has suffered in consequence, and the only sustaining factor in my job - my two jobs - is that I am serving my country to the best of my ability, and in the discharge of this duty, Sir, there is no sacrifice great enough or noble enough. Sir, let us now turn to compulsory voting. This is the subject which has caused much gnashing of teeth and tearing of hair by some politicians and erstwhile friends. As Motion No. 9 on the Order Paper on compulsory voting is still to be debated, I do not propose to say much on this subject although it has a bearing on that part of the Governor's Speech which refers to the date of the general elections. However, I would like to say here and now that it was at one of the civics courses that the view was expressed, not by me, that compulsory voting would be a good thing for the people of Singapore. This was given publicity in the Press and it brought forth comments from individuals and organisations and representations to the Government from certain organisations. I met representatives from organisations that had made representations to me. I informed the meeting that if compulsory voting was introduced at this stage, it would mean a delay in the general elections, but certainly not beyond the life of the Rendel Constitution. A report of this meeting appeared in last Sunday's papers. Sir, I have touched only on the more important aspects of the Governor's Speech as these are uppermost in the minds of hon. Members. I do not propose to take up the time of hon. Members much longer by elaborating on what the Government proposes to do during this last session. All I need say is that we are continuing with our four-year programme. We believe we have done much and are still doing more for the people of Singapore, and when we appear before them at election time we shall go forward with confidence and with satisfaction that we have not failed them. Sir, it is now the pleasure and the privilege of hon. Members of the opposition to unleash their criticisms. We will face them. Indeed we thrive on them. Let us all on both sides of the House in the fight that may develop in the course of this debate not lose sight that the fight ahead of us is a crucial fight for democracy in Singapore. Let us go into the election arena, fight hard, but fight wisely, so that subversive forces with democratic organisations as their front may not succeed in stealing away the prize which the All-Party delegation brought back last year. May all subversive forces perish in this attempt! May democracy flourish in the new State of Singapore. Majulah Singapura!