Mr Speaker, Sir, the Bill before us, "The Administration of Muslim Law Ordinance" is a hybrid one and the clauses have, in some instances, been taken out in toto from the Muslim Law Enactments of Selangor, Pahang and Penang. For this reason, Sir, if not for any other, I welcome the Minister's proposal to commit the Bill to a Select Committee. Sir, when the first Muslims Ordinance, 1880, was introduced in Singapore, the lawmakers then had in mind not so much the desire to control the way of life as a whole of the Muslims of Singapore, hut rather the object was to lay down certain principles of Islamic law which had been abused by some sections of the Muslim population and which conflicted with the non-theocratic laws of the State. In fact, the provisions of the first Muslims Ordinance never went beyond that. The intention was specific and to the point where, in effect, it became merely an accessory to the existing laws of the country, although it was part and parcel of the Statute Book. Amendments were made to the Ordinance from time to time, but even so the guiding principle was never forgotten. The present Bill, Mr Deputy Speaker, goes beyond the original Muslims Ordinance, 1880, and the Muslims Ordinance, 1957, both of which, if I may say again, tended to accord certain principles of the Muslim law with the existing civil laws of the State. For my part, I welcome these new additions for the effect it would have in regularising the code of conduct of certain aspects of Muslim law. But, Sir, what we agree to do or not to do in this Assembly is not enough if we do not carry the support of the people Outside. Doubts have been raised by Muslim scholars as to whether this Assembly can introduce such a Bill. And here, Sir, the question is not the academic question, similar to the one we debated not so long ago, of whether this Assembly is competent to debate the issue under our Standing Orders, but rather whether in a non-secular State like Singapore, Islamic laws can be enacted to govern Muslims in their way of life. Some Muslim theologians hold the view that under Islamic law only a Muslim Government can enforce the laws of the Koran, like the Government of the Federation of Malaya whose State religion is Islam. Now, Sir, before I go any further, I would like to stress for the purpose of clarification to this Assembly and also to the Press - The Malay Press in particular - that I am not here giving my views on the Islamic law but rather expressing the views of Muslim religious leaders outside this Assembly. 4.00 p.m. Mr Deputy Speaker, there is then again another group of Muslims who contend that the provisions contained in this Bill are not enough to cover all aspects of Islamic law, even to the extent of gaoling a Muslim for non-observance of his daily prayers and fast, both of which to a Muslim and under Islamic laws are the pillars and two of the five fundamentals upon which Islamic religion stands. Sir, these are some of the thoughts now occupying the minds of some, if not all, religious leaders since this Bill was published. I would like now, Sir, to touch on some aspects of the Bill which I feel require re-thinking. The most important parts of the Bill, as I see it, are Parts IV (dealing with financial problems), V (Mosques and Religious Schools), and IX (Offences). Under clause 59, a General Endowment Fund will be established into which all zakat and fitrah collected by the collectors will be paid. Clause 73 enables the Majlis, with the approval of the Yang di-Pertuan Negara, to make rules "to prescribe from time to time the amount of zakat and fitrah to be paid by all Muslims in Singapore", and also the distribution of the zakat and fitrah to those eligible. Here, Mr Deputy Speaker, arise two points. The first is the determination by the Majlis of the amount of zakat and fitrah. Now, how and in what manner, and by what means, and by what yardstick is the Majlis to determine the amount? Is this going to be another Assessment Department of the Income Tax Office? For all I know, it could be an arbitrary decision depending upon the whim and fancy of the members of the Majlis. Fitrah, of course, is not so difficult since the calculation is based upon a flat amount, whatever the means of the person concerned, that is to say, those who are not exempted. But when it comes to zakat, the question of determining a person's property upon which a tithe of 2½ per cent will be imposed is a highly complex operation. The second point is the method of distribution and entitlement thereof. In Singapore today, Sir, we have public assistance by the Social Welfare Department, which pays a mere subsistence allowance to those unemployed. Under Muslim law, the poor and the needy will be amongst those first eligible for the distribution of zakat and fitrah, and these people will probably be the same people who are also eligible for public assistance. Now, Sir, is it the Government's intention, once the Bill becomes law, to withdraw public assistance from those who are eligible for zakat and fitrah? It may well be that the individual shares of zakat and fitrah could amount to more than the pittance they get from public assistance. I hope it is not going to be so. Actually, Sir, we Muslims in Singapore (at least the good Muslims) pay two types of what we may call taxes - one to the Government in all forms, and the other in the form of zakat and fitrah. I now come to clause 77 which prohibits a person from erecting a mosque, without the approval of the Majlis. Sir, this raises a very serious question. Since the time of the Prophet, there has been, to my knowledge, no religious restriction on the building of a mosque. I know this provision is taken from the Selangor and Penang Muslim enactments. But I would like to ask the Minister: why introduce it here? Then we come to the Offences section which is in Part IX. Part IX begins with clause 126 which reads: `Save as is otherwise in this Ordinance expressly provided this Part of this Ordinance shall only apply to Muslims.' I repeat, Sir, "shall only apply to Muslims." Further on, under the same Part, clause 131 is on cohabitation Outside marriage. This clause states that any man or woman who cohabits outside marriage shall be guilty of an offence and shall be punishable to a fine not exceeding $500 or for a term of imprisonment not exceeding six months or to both. Now, Mr Deputy Speaker, this means that if you (anonymously) were to cohabit with a Muslim woman outside marriage, the Muslim woman can be sentenced to six months' imprisonment and to a fine of $500, but you will go scot-free. That is what this clause means. Where is the equality and justice, Sir? My information is that under Muslim law both should be punished. I would seriously suggest, Sir, to the Government that this clause should be totally deleted. In fact, Sir, even in the Malay States, i.e. in the Federation of Malaya, where the State religion is Islam, there is no provision of this nature in the Muslim enactments. Finally, Sir, I know that both the Minister and the State Advocate-General have put in hours of work in compiling the Bill. I hope their efforts have not been wasted, but I would appeal to the Government, on such a highly controversial subject, that it would be better to go slow on the Bill and not to rush it even in Select Committee. No one. Sir, least of all myself, can speak with any authority on the Muslim religion. We have to seek outside advice, and the Select Committee is the best place for it. I would also appeal to all concerned that in moulding this Bill into its final form, both sides of this House should work as a team and party politics should not be brought in, either into this Assembly or into the Select Committee. In this connection, Sir, on a parting word of advice to the Minister, I would advise him to print as many copies as possible of the Malay version of this Bill for distribution to Muslim leaders and organisations throughout Singapore long before the Select Committee begins its deliberations. 4.08 p.m.