Hansard, 1967-11-30

Under the provisions of clause 2 (d) of Article 30 of the Constitution of Singapore, I have granted permission to the following Members to be or to remain absent from sittings of Parliament (or any committee of Parliament to which they have been appointed) for the periods stated:- Mr Ho Kah Leong (Jurong) - from 27th November to 9th December, 1967. Mr S. Rajaratnam (Kampong Glam), Minister for Foreign Affairs - from 1st to 4th December, 1967. Mr Fong Sip Chee (Stamford), Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister for Culture - from 30th November to 20th December, 1967. Mr Chan Chee Seng (Jalan Besar), Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister for Social Affairs - from 3rd to 6th December, 1967. (P.COOMARASWAMY) Speaker, Parliament of Singapore

I have been informed by the President that, on the days stated, he assented to the following Bills: - 15th November, 1967 (i) Singapore Parliament Elections (Amendment) Bill; and (ii) Parliamentary Membership Bill. 18th November, 1967 (i) Printers and Publishers (Amendment) Bill; (ii) Income Tax (Amendment) Bill; and (iii) Minor Offences (Amendment) Bill. (P. COOMARASWAMY) Speaker, Parliament of Singapore

Mr Speaker, Sir, I rise to move the motion standing in my name, That this Parliament, in accordance with Article I of the Constitution of Singapore, elects Inche Yusof bin Ishak as President of the Republic of Singapore for a further term of four years to commence immediately after the expiry of his present term of office. This will be the third time that our President has been nominated as Head of State. Eight years ago, on the 3rd of December, 1959, he was appointed by the British Sovereign to the office of Yang di-Pertuan Negara under the Singapore (Constitution) Order in Council, 1958, for a term of four years. He took over from the last Governor, Sir William Goode, who was for six months the first Yang di-Pertuan Negara. Inche Yusof was, then, the personal representative of the British Queen. His term of office as Yang di-Pertuan Negara of self-governing Singapore would have expired on the 2nd of December, 1963. However, on the 16th September, 1963, two and a half months before the expiration of his first term of office, Singapore became a constituent State of the new Federation of Malaysia. By Article 95 (1) of the Constitution of the State of Singapore, his appointment under the former Constitution was extended by one day. And so it was that on the 4th of December, 1963, the Yang di-Pertuan Agong of the Federation of Malaysia, on the advice of the Singapore State Government, appointed Tun Yusof bin Ishak to be Yang di-Pertuan Negara of the State of Singapore, pursuant to clause (1) of Article 1 of the Constitution of the State of Singapore, for a term of four years. But by the Separation Agreement on the 7th of August, 1965, which came into operation on the 9th of August, 1965, and the subsequent Republic of Singapore Independence Act (No. 9 of 1965) and the Constitution (Amendment) Act (No. 8 of 1965) passed in December 1965, Inche Yusof bin Ishak became, retrospective as from the 9th of August, 1965, the first President of the Republic of Singapore. His present appointment, according to these transitory provisions, ends on the 3rd of December - in three days' time. Today under Article 1 of the Constitution of Singapore, I am inviting Members of the House to elect Inche Yusof bin Ishak for his third term as Head of State and President of the Republic. The vast constitutional changes in the last eight and a half years since the 3rd of June. 1959, when we first took office, reflected the momentous changes that were taking place in and around us. In 1959 he represented Queen Elizabeth II. Then from 1963 to 1965, for less than two years, he represented the Yang di-Pertuan Agong. Now he simply represents us, the citizens of the Republic. Inche Yusof and his wife, Puan Noor Aishah, have graced the Istana for eight years. He has discharged his constitutional duties with devotion and dignity and has won the respect and confidence of the people. With his wife, they have been patrons of Singapore society, the arts, sports, the numerous charities of our expanding society. The burden of these duties was undertaken by them with natural grace. Eight years ago Puan Noor Aishah did not speak any English. Now she speaks it easily. The willingness to learn, the keenness of Singapore and her people - a striving, thrusting society - are personified in the President and his wife. Today it comes so naturally that one finds it difficult to recall what it was eight years ago - the stiffness and diffidence they must have had to overcome to fulfil their constitutional, social and ceremonial duties that now come easily. As a consequence, Singapore has benefitted. I have every confidence, Sir, in commending him to this House for a third term that he will execute the duties of his high office with the same dignity, willingness, and cheerfulness with which he first undertook them eight years ago. And there is the added aplomb, the savoir faire which eight years as Head of State, informed on all the matters and the crucial issues which have affected our lives and fortunes, have given him. Nor would I be accused of flattery if I were to suggest that it would not be easy to find another citizen and his wife to carry out their duties with the same poise and graciousness. Mr Speaker, Sir, through all the vicissitudes of fate and fortune of the last eight and a half years - and the House will remember how grim the circumstances were from crisis to crisis - with notable exceptions, the majority of P.A.P, members held together as a tightly-knit and stout-hearted team, so enabling my colleagues and me to steer our way forward and to ride the stormy and turbulent seas of change and revolution in South-east Asia. It would not be immodest if I were to compare the Republic of Singapore and the President's Government to a sturdy ship and its toughened and somewhat weather-beaten crew. Together they have successfully completed many voyages through calm and troubled waters in fair and foul weather. And Singapore takes it for granted that this crew will steer their ship into the seas of the future confident that it will weather any storm that it may encounter. Sir, I hope I would not be thought too jocular if I were to compare, by way of broad analogy, quite a number of my colleagues, the President's Ministers, to professional Chinese chess players. We can still see them in "Ta Po", or "big city", or the South Bridge Road area. They offer a contender three-to-one odds on any one of a variety of over half a dozen set chess positions. The contender can choose to play either side, black or white. Very seldom does any contender make the experienced hand lose on his stakes. It is not altogether in jest that I heard it said of some of my colleagues that they could easily turn chess professionals if they chose to give up their portfolios. Sir, there are very few fundamentally new moves by colonialists, Communists or communalists which we have not in turn encountered and checkmated in the past. Every ploy, each feint, every distraction, either for internal or international consumption, we have watched, studied, parried, and been ready to counter the real blow which was to be delivered. But at the same time we must all be constantly alive to the dangers of being the same persons too long in the same office. We are all creatures of habit, and the creative and imaginative parts in the human being are stifled by the repetition of the same thought or speech patterns. In the long run, as a government, we shall be judged not just by our own performance, but by whether we have provided for continuity in the quality and the verve of political leadership for our society. It was said of a much-loved Asian prime minister that he was so long in office that when he died, it was as if a banyan tree had fallen and no young sapling, ready to take its place, was growing under or around him - so complete was his dominance and that of his generation over their whole country. Younger talent there is and always will be. And we must pass on to that young talent the knowledge, the know-how, the tried and proven methods of good government. Only then can new ability, dedication and sincerity of purpose find expression and relevance in the necessarily different mood of a younger generation. Whilst perhaps for the present, Singapore may not do better for itself by electing some other team, the same need not be said for the middle '70s and beyond. For it will be a very different world. And it may require a different style to carry off with good grace and sustained strength a different posture and a revised and up-to-date set of political, economic and social policies which the continued survival and increasing prosperity of our multi-racial society may require of its leaders. So whilst we congratulate ourselves on the relative certainty and stability with which our affairs are being managed, let us always have our eye further over the horizon - towards that day when another team of good men and women will take our places. It is amongst these young men and women of disciplined talent and ability, with the freshness, enthusiasm and idealism with which every new generation brings to its task - people now in their `20s and early `30s - that we must seek the possible leaders of a robust and rugged generation. It is not in the nature of things, in an open competitive society such as ours, to nominate one's heirs and successors. But it is within our capacity to ensure that long before that time comes, there is available a whole cohort of younger people who have been equipped and steeled for the tasks of political leadership. To them we should pass on the valuable experiences of the last two decades, the esoteric knowledge of men and the affairs of men, the insight which we have gained in this strange corner of Asia - whom and what to trust, and what are just words of kindness and comfort, the civilities of form and protocol, with little or no content. In so far as it is humanly possible, we must ensure that there will be enough trained ability for a team that can give Singapore that pride in achievement which ability, dedication and sincerity, combined with iron will, can give. Mr Speaker, Sir, it is with these sobering thoughts of our wider responsibilities that I ask hon. Members to express their unanimity in electing Inche Yusof bin Ishak as President of the Republic of Singapore for his third term from the 4th of December, 1967. Mr Speaker, Sir, I beg to move. Question proposed. 2.47 p.m.

(In Malay): Mr Speaker, Sir, I rise to support the motion moved by the Prime Minister. Heads of State come into being in many ways in different countries. In some countries, an individual proclaims himself a President and nobody dares contest this claim unless he has a bigger and stronger army behind him. In other countries, the choice of a Head of State may be made solely on the basis of hereditary caste or race or religion. But in Singapore, the Head of State is chosen by democratic procedures and according to democratic principles. The President, who is our Head of State, is chosen by the people through their elected representatives in Parliament. In other words, he is a popularly elected President. The principles governing our choice are that any citizen of Singapore, whether of high birth or of humble origins, can be elected to this high office. Further, in making our choice, we are not influenced by his religion or his race. He is elected solely on the basis of his merit, his character, his devotion to duty and the esteem in which he is held by the people. This is how we in Singapore choose our President and this is how it should be in our multi-racial, multi-cultural, democratic society. A President, as Head of State, is more than a symbol. He should, both in his public and private life, reflect the values and virtues which our society cherishes. He should be dignified and modest. He should not do things in private or in public of which we would be ashamed because, as the Head of State, he symbolises Singapore. Today, this Parliament is being called upon to elect Inche Yusof bin Ishak as President of our Republic. The fact that this is the third time that Inche Yusof is being nominated for this high office is testimony of his fitness to fill this responsible office. He has been in office for eight years. They were extremely difficult and decisive eight years involving many delicate and controversial issues. A less cairn and less perceptive Head of State could have tarnished an office which has to stand above the dust and din of party and partisan controversy. Inche Yusof has managed to preserve his office from the taint of partisanship. He has always remained the Head of the nation as a whole - not the representative of any particular community, race, class or religion. As the constitutional Head, he has performed his functions strictly in accord with the letter and spirit of the Constitution. Though as a Malay I am gratified that a member of my community is being nominated for the third time to be the Head of our Republic, it would, nevertheless, be unfair to Inche Yusof and even to my community to say that he has been nominated to this office simply because he is a Malay. I find greater pride in the fact that he is being nominated for no other reason than that we believe him to be the Singaporean with all the qualities necessary to hold this responsible office. It is his qualities as a man and a citizen of Singapore and nothing else which recommend him for this high office. Finally, that this Parliament and the people of Singapore should choose him as Head of State for the third time is also testimony to the unwavering multi-racial outlook of our Parliament and our people. 2.56 p.m.

(In Mandarin): Mr Speaker, Sir, I rise to support the motion by the Prime Minister for the election of Inche Yusof bin Ishak as the President of our Republic. As a relatively new Member of Parliament, I have not had the privilege of knowing Inche Yusof as well as some of my other colleagues here. Therefore, like many hundreds of thousands of citizens in Singapore, I must judge Inche Yusof's nomination for the office of President largely by his public record. Mr Speaker, I do not propose to give a detailed biography of Inche Yusof, but I would like to select some details to highlight one point - that the President of a country should in his own life and character reflect the history and spirit of the people of the country. First, like most of us in Singapore - whether Chinese, Indian or Malay - Inche Yusof is of immigrant stock. He is a Malay of Sumatran descent. On the paternal side, he can trace his ancestral stock to Minangkabau and on the maternal side to Langkat. Inche Yusof himself was born in Perak. He began his studies in Malaysia and finished them in Singapore where he passed his Cambridge School Certificate examination with distinction. In this, Inche Yusof's story is not unlike that of the vast majority of us whose fathers and forefathers emigrated from other countries to settle in Singapore and make it their permanent home. Secondly, like many of us, Incite Yusof comes from a humble family. His father was a civil servant who brought up his children in the modest circumstances that most of us know. A President with these humble origins can therefore know and understand the lives and problems of ordinary people. There is yet another aspect of his life which accords with the spirit which built modern Singapore and which will sustain Singapore in the future. Inche Yusof relied not on patronage or privileges of birth to build a respected place for himself in society. While in school, he was the first student to he commissioned by the Governor as a Second Lieutenant in the School Cadet Corps. After leaving school, he ventured into Malay journalism at a time when Malay journalism was not necessarily a sure road to wealth and success. In 1938, he established (he Utusan Melayu Press Limited which he built up into the now well-known Utusan Melayu. He was its first managing editor. Here again, Inche Yusof's life is not unlike that of thousands of other enterprising Singaporeans who succeeded because they dared to venture into fields which the more timid and unimaginative dared not go. Inche Yusof was not merely a pioneer in the field of Malay journalism. He held many distinguished public appointments long before he was made the first Yang di-Pertuan Negara. From 1948 to 1950, he was on the Film Appeal Committee. He has served on the Natural Reserves Committee and on the Malayanisation Commission. He has also served as Chairman of the Public Service Commission. So when in December 1959 Inche Yusof was appointed as Yang di-Pertuan Negara, it was because he had amply demonstrated that he had the qualities and character necessary to hold this responsible office. If he has, since then, discharged his duties with dignity and devotion, it is because he has brought to his office the spirit and character that built modern Singapore. In a multi-racial society like ours, progress and prosperity will be assured so long as we judge, honour and reward its citizens purely on the basis of merit, character and contributions that they make to the welfare of society. We must welcome and use talent from whatever linguistic, racial or religious groups it may come. We must not stifle it or shut it out because it expresses itself in a different language or is of a particular skin colour. Talent is a very precious and scarce quality, and a society which shuts it out on racial, linguistic or religious grounds must eventually disintegrate and perish under the weight of fumbling mediocrities. So in supporting the election of Inche Yusof bin Ishak as Singapore's President for a further term of four years, I am supporting a Singaporean who has demonstrated that he has the relevant qualities to hold this high office. Sir, I support the motion of the Prime Minister. 3.03 p.m.

(In Tamil): Mr Speaker, Sir, I would like to join my other colleagues in supporting the motion standing in the name of the Prime Minister. As the Prime Minister said, this is the third time that Inche Yusof bin Ishak is being nominated as Head of State. On the first occasion, he was appointed by the British Queen as the Yang di-Pertuan Negara of an internally self-governing Singapore. On the second occasion, he was appointed by the Yang di-Pertuan Agong when Singapore became a State within the Federation of Malaysia. And now on the third occasion, his election as President is to be effected by the Parliament of an independent Singapore. There are very strong reasons why Inche Yusof, who has served as Head of State for eight years, should once again be nominated to hold this high office. It is often said that a President and Head of State is merely a symbolical figure expected to do no more than perform dreary ceremonial chores. This may be so in terms of constitutional abstractions, but in the eyes of the ordinary people who do not understand political abstractions, the Head of State is something more than a legal abstraction. He is the State personified. The State cannot open a sports meet or a charity bazaar. But when the President or his wife does these things, the abstract concept of State is grasped in terms that people can understand. The President and his lady make the State comprehensible. This being so, the character and personality of the President and his wife are as important as their ability to perform ceremonial rituals correctly. Anybody can be taught to perform ceremonies of State and we should, on this criterion, have no difficulty finding candidates to fill this post. But people are not impressed simply because a President has managed to cut a tape properly at some opening ceremony. What is important is how he talks and conducts himself with the people who have invited him. Just as important is what people think of both his private and public life. In a way, the Head of State is what every citizen believes a model citizen should be. During his eight years in office, Inche Yusof and his wife Puan Noor Aishah have managed to surround the office of the Head of State with an air of dignity and simplicity. Inche Yusof, in so far as he has personified the State for the ordinary people, has enhanced the popular image of the State. I do not want to repeat what some of my colleagues have said about Inche Yusof and of the reasons why it is appropriate he should be elected as President. I would only like to mention two points. The first relates to his refusal to surround his office with flamboyance and pomposity. A lesser man would have transformed himself into a larger-than-life President. But Inche Yusof has managed to make the President no more than Citizen No. 1 - an ordinary citizen faithfully discharging the duties he has been entrusted with. Evidence of this is his choice of residence. He could have chosen to stay in the palatial Istana Negara. However, right from the start, he requested that he be allowed to stay in a modest bungalow in the Istana grounds. The Istana Negara he uses only to receive and house distinguished visitors. This may be a small point, but it does show his approach to the office he holds. He invests the office of President with the necessary ceremonial pomp, but not his person. The other point I would like to mention is that in our multi-racial society where people are all too ready to see communal favouritism, Inche Yusof has succeeded in making people accept him as the symbol of all communities, races and classes. Though he is by accident of birth a Malay, nobody, as far as I know, thinks of him as Malay Head of State. He has been accepted by all communities as Singapore's President or "Our President". This again is due to his ingrained indifference to the racial and religious origins of the peoples he comes into contact with. This is a very essential quality in our multi-racial society, especially at this particular juncture of its history. For these, among other reasons, Mr Speaker, I support the motion by the Prime Minister.

Question put, and agreed to. Resolved, That this Parliament, in accordance with Article 1 of the Constitution of Singapore, elects Inche Yusof bin Ishak as President of the Republic of Singapore for a further term of four years to commence immediately after the expiry of his present term of office.

Resolved, "That Parliament do now adjourn to Tuesday, 5th December, 1967." -[Dr Toh Chin Chye]. Adjourned accordingly at Twelve minutes past Three o'clock p.m. to Tuesday. 5th December,1967.