MAIN AND DEVELOPMENT ESTIMATES - OF SINGAPORE FOR THE FINANCIAL - YEAR 1ST APRIL, 1984 TO 31ST MARCH, 1985
I should remind the Member, Sir, that in the reply we gave to him, we showed him how it would be possible to estimate by grouping the three subjects together he would have a very good idea of what the outcome would be. We do not normally compile results grouped in the way that he is asking. The Member for Serangoon Gardens spoke about the Physical Education College and I welcome his suggestions and remarks concerning how the PE College could be further expanded in its objectives and use. Our initial objective is to train physical education teachers who are sorely needed in our secondary schools and junior colleges. As I mentioned earlier, we need about 700 such teachers. We also have an intention to train teachers for the primary schools when we have successfully provided PE teachers for the secondary schools, not to mention the needs of other organizations like the SAF, Police and so on who would look to this College for physical education instructors. I do not think there is any danger that this College will become a white elephant even if the number of physical education teachers to be trained appears to be quite small, Let me just tell him that there are only 555 dentists in Singapore and we still have a dental faculty which is not a white elephant. On his point about handicapped children, Sir, I have answered in this House at length on the question that he raised. I will not go into the details which I have already provided him. But I think it should be realized that the voluntary organizations presently organize and manage these eight special schools. That is to say, volunteers sit on the committees that run these schools and raise funds for the schools. But as for the actual teaching that goes on in these schools, the majority of the teachers and instructors come from the Ministry of Education and from the Ministry of Social Affairs. So, in a sense, these organizations are not unlike the aided schools except that the link between them and the Ministry of Education is a much looser one. I think this is a viable relationship in which we provide as much as we can in the way of resources while the voluntary organizations continue to have the freedom in their curriculum, organization and in the personal care and attention that they can give to the students. I believe that if the Government were to take over these organizations and all their assets and facilities, there would be a loss because voluntary effort would become less and may move away from these organizations. I would ask the Member to ponder upon this point. The Member mentioned that the Education Fund could perhaps be used for urgent medical purposes such as the example that he quoted of the boy who had to be treated for leukaemia. I think the Member's suggestion springs from a very compassionate heart and I commend him for that. But the Education Fund has very specific purposes and all of them are for educational purposes. It would not be a proper use of the fund if it is to be used for medical purposes or for any other purposes. What is commendable about the case that he mentioned is the overwhelming response that came from the children in the school and the public in providing funds at such short notice for this boy, and I think we should continue to encourage this kind of public concern and participation. Sir, may I now turn attention to the priority for registration scheme. The Members who spoke on this scheme expressed essentially similar points, which is, that it is unfair to the rest of the mothers when priority is given to graduate mothers. It is unfair especially to those who are less educated and there was mention that this might lead to divisiveness. I feel that the First Deputy Prime Minister has already answered a number of these points yesterday in his speech and I would not like to repeat what he has said. I think he had adequately brought out the main issues behind the purpose of the scheme. But it is worth reminding ourselves that the over-riding concern of the priority scheme which has been perhaps misunderstood or overlooked is that of the family planning policy. The earlier scheme that we have had had three main criteria. First, that priority should be given to a boy or a girl who has a sibling in the school provided that he or she is a second child. Secondly, that priority should be given to parents if they should accept sterilization after one or two children. Thirdly, that priority should be given to those with connections with the school, such as old boys or old girls, again with the stipulation that this applies up to the third child and eventually it was brought down to the second child. In each of the criteria that existed in the earlier scheme which was widely accepted, family planning considerations were the underlying and the over-riding concern. The new scheme that we have is a refinement of this but the objective remains the same, namely, that family planning considerations are the underlying considerations. All Members in this House, I am certain, would agree that over the years our family planning policy has generally succeeded. We have brought down the birth rate from a very high rate in the fifties and sixties to 1.75% in recent years. Taken as a whole, this has been a success. But when it is examined in detail, it has become clear that there is a wide disparity in the birth rates of different sectors of our population. I am referring to the highly lopsided procreation pattern that we have. You can analyse it in any way you like, by educational levels, by income of parents, by any criteria. The inescapable fact is this. Those who can least afford to have large families are having large families - five, six, seven or more children. In the 1980 census, 30% of such families have four or more children. In contrast, at the other end of the scale, those who can most afford to,have large families are not doing so. They have none or they stop at one or sometimes two. In the 1980 census 57% of them have zero or one child, and only 1.5% of them have four or more children. We contrast these two groups. 5.15 pm Those who can least afford to have large families are 20 times more likely to have four or more children than those who can most afford to have large families. Those who can most afford to have large families are three times more likely to have no children or one child when you compare them with those who can least afford to have large families. That is the situation that we have. If we do nothing about it, the situation will not correct itself. It will probably get worse. If we do something about it through various measures, perhaps we might restore the lopsidedness. We have no guarantee of success. But one thing is certain, If nothing is done, the situation will not rectify itself. And so we must try. Of course, questions have been raised as to why the Government should be involved in this matter. This is a very individual matter. It concerns the individual and his choice as to how big he wants his family to be. It is not the concern of other people. I submit that this is a myopic point of view. On a national scale, if this very disproportionate or disparate procreation pattern were to continue for the next 10, 20 or 30 years, I think there would be consequences which would be undesirable for Singapore. The population mix would change. Take, for example, those who insist on having large families even when they cannot well provide for them. What are the consequences for such families? Their children are undoubtedly at a disadvantage from birth by the very fact that they will grow up in families which are large and which are inadequately provided for. They will not do well in school. They will remain lowly educated, low skilled and low income because of the fact that their families from which they come are large and not well provided for by their own parents. Their education and their health will be heavily subsidized by others. If the trend continues, all the indications are that they are likely to repeat what their parents did. They themselves will have large families and the cycle goes on. Will this be good for our society, and for them ultimately? The answer is obviously no. And so measures, incentives and disincentives, have to be found to encourage such families to plan their families better, to go for smaller families, to boner provide for their smaller families so that the chances for their children are better. For many of them, their children are already here, children coming from seven, eight, nine or 10-child homes. I think we are doing the next best thing. We cannot wish it away. But we are doing the next best thing as far as the Ministry of Education is concerned. We are giving them a place in school. They will have a place in school and we are giving them a chance for an education. But should we not do what we can to bring those who are likely to have large families in the future in line with the family planning policy for their own benefit as well as for the national good? At the other end of the scale, the issue which was clearly brought up by the First Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Education yesterday is the concern for graduate women who are not even marrying, lot alone not producing enough children. That is a dual concern. First, when they marry they do not produce enough children. Secondly, their chances of marriage are fairly small because of the choices that they make and the choices that the male graduates make concerning marriage partners. There is a dual concern there. I do not think we should be mesmerized just by the fact that graduate mothers are being given first priority for children. We should not forget the other concern, which is that, in the first place, graduate women are not even marrying. We have given graduate mothers first priority provided that they have three or more children. For those who feel that such graduate mothers are given a privilege on a plate, let me say that this is not the case. These graduate mothers have to work for it by having at least three children. So it is not giving them something on a plate. In any case, to put things in their perspective, under Phase 1, if you take Phase 1 A and Phase 1 B together, over 90% of those who will have priority under Phase 1 will be those who have a child in a school. In other words, a sibling in a school. Over 90% will be enjoying Phase 1 under the new scheme. What about the others who say that they are deprived, they are discriminated against, because graduate mothers have the first priority? Phase 2A, which is a very high priority, is given to parents who have a low educational background and who are prepared to keep their families small by accepting sterilization after having one or two children. I have already gone into the reasons why this is highly desirable for their sake and for the national good. This will put them on a high priority to get into any school of their choice. For those who are graduate fathers but who did not marry graduate women, they enjoy priority under Phase 2A, again provided they have three children. For those with three 'O' levels and above, they enjoy Phase 2B. Under the previous scheme, these parents would have had to join the queue at Phase 2C or Phase 2D. So they have been given some improvement as far as priority for registration is concerned. The same priority applies to those who have school connections, old boys and old girls. That has not changed. As for those who had accepted sterilization in the past because of Phase 2A priority in the hope of gaining priority under Phase 2A, they have not lost in any way because, in its press announcement, the Ministry has said that they do not lose out in priority at all. They will continue to enjoy the priority that they have had in the past. Who are those people who will lose out, so to speak, under this priority scheme? If you say that 'A' level parents and 'O' level parents have enjoyed some advantage in the priority, who are those who will lose out? First, they are those who, under the previous scheme, would have remained in Phase 2C or Phase 2D because they have large families and so they remain there. Under the new scheme, it will also be those who are well educated but who choose to stop at one child. They lose out also because they will now come under Phase 2C or Phase 2D. Of course, in the Ministry's press statement, certain provisions are made for those who for medical reasons and so on are unable to have more than one child. This has been taken into consideration. We intend to take a liberal view of interpretation regarding family size.