Tan Chee Kien, the former Chairman of the Singapore United Front, picked Kaki Bukit. Saidi Shariff was our MP before the general elections. Tan Chee Kien did not know that we were going to change Saidi Shariff for Chew Heng Ching. I am convinced that had we not changed our candidate in Kaki Bukit, and also in Telok Blangah, we would have lost the two seats. What the problem is Let me make clear what our fears are. We do not like to lose. Nobody likes to lose, but that is hardly the reason for introducing the concept of Team MPs. If opposition candidates defeat the PAP Chinese candidates, that is a loss, but there is no great problem. There is no trauma for the nation. There will still be many Chinese MPs in Parliament. But if they defeat the PAP Malay candidates, chances are the PAP Malay candidates would have lost to non-Malay candidates. Then a problem is created because there will be fewer and fewer Malay MPs. The PAP has gone out of its way to find and field good Malay candidates. It has succeeded, but only with great difficulty, because the pool of Malay professionals is so small. Opposition parties are under no obligation whatsoever to make the same effort. The SDP did not field a single candidate from the minority community in the last General Election. It is make-belief to pretend that race and language do not affect voter preferences. I am not saying that there are no other factors. There are other factors like a candidate's character, charisma and copetence. But race and language do influence boter preferences. It is not so elsewhere in the world, in Britain and United States, for example. Welsh candidates beat English candidates in Wales. And it is no secret that an Irish American stands a better chance of winning in Boston against all others. Even when all the candidates are of the same race and speak the same language, their dialect group or where they come from plays a part in their electoral support. Look at the recent Presidential elections in Korea. The three main candidates drew their main support from their native province. So we have to find a way to induce all serious political parties to field candidates from the Malay and Other Minorities. This way, whether the PAP loses a seat or wins a seat, there will be an adequate number of Malays and members of the other minority communities in Parliament. Paradoxical as it may seem, to ensure that multi-racialism succeeds in Singapore, we have to openly recognize that race does play a part in politics. Acceptance of GRCs by Malay MPS In 1982 our Malay MPs rejected the idea of twin constituencies. Their experience in 1984 changed their views. They now agree with group representation as a safeguard to ensure that Malay candidates, particularly first-time Malay candidates, will be returned in future elections in fair numbers. In 1982, the Indian MPs did not support the proposal of twin constituencies either. They now support group representation. They, both the Malay and Indian MPs recognize that the problem can get worse with more first-time voters joining the rank. Town Councils and GRCs Meanwhile, we were implementing three pilot schemes in Ang Mo Kio to test out the feasibility of forming town councils to manage public housing estates. From the experience gained, we decided that town councils are feasible and beneficial to the residents. We also concluded that an economic size for town councils to manage is a group of three constituencies. The town council proposal and the team MP proposal are two different concepts. One is to give residents more authority, more responsibility, to manage their own housing estates; the other is to ensure that Parliament would always be multi-racial. But though the two concepts are different, they are compatible. After an election three MPs, although they are voted in separately, can get together to form a town council. Also, after an election, a group of MPs, three in this case, in a Group Representation Constituency, can also form a town council. Thus, though the two concepts are different, they can be worked together. That was how Group Representation Constituencies, each about the size of three single-member constituencies and each to be served by a team of three MPs, came to replace twin constituencies. Group Strength and Decisive Role of Malay Candidates With group representation, candidates will contest for election on their strength as a group. Each one of them has to be an asset and no one can be a liability. Whether a candidate is a Chinese, a Malay, or an Indian, he cannot be a weak candidate. Because if he is, he is going to pull down the whole team. The quality of the Malay candidate in the group of three can be decisive. This is so where the non Malay candidates in the two contending teams are of about the same quality and of about the same value to the electorate. Then, the quality of the Malay candidate will decide which team will win the election, particularly if in the constituency there are 20 to 30% Malays. At present, we all know that the Opposition is unlikely to be able to field non-Malay candidates of the calibre of the PAP's Chinese candidates. But we do not make the assumption that they cannot do so in future. When they do, then the quality of the Malay candidate becomes decisive. Because if the two Chinese candidates in each team are of about the same quality, then the Malay candidate will play a decisive part in determing which team wins an election. The Malay candidate helps the team to win, just as the team helps him to win. Events which reinforced our thinking Several events in 1987 also influenced our thinking and reinforced our conviction that we should introduce voting on a group basis in certain constituencies in Singapore. Two were external events, and one internal. (A) External First was the open war between the Tamils and the Singhalese in Sri Lanka, leading to intervention by Indian troops. The Tamils felt neglected, discriminated against and threatened. Parliamentary democracy, similar to ours, has not safeguarded their interests. They resorted to extra-Parliamentary means to protect their interests. Second was the military coup in Fiji mounted by Col Rabuka against an elected government. The native Fijian-based political party lost the general elections to the Indian-based party. The military, which is controlled by native Fijians, overthrew the newly-elected government because the Fijians, who are in the minority in Fiji, felt threatened by an Indian-dominated government. These two events highlighted one basic fact of a multi-racial society - that when a minority feels threatened, it will resort to all means, including non-constitutional means, to safeguard its interests. These were external lessons. (B) Internal There was also an internal event which brought home the reality that we are a multi-racial society. Do you remember how the Malays and Muslims reacted over the visit of President Herzog? Do you remember how they reacted when Lee Hsien Loong brought up the subject of Malays in the SAF? Suppose there are no Malays in Parliament, how would we have discussed such issues like the participation of Malays in the SAF? Would non-Malay MPs be able to explain the issues to the Malays, and achieve understanding? Would such issues have remained only an amicable debate? Need for Multi-Racial Parliament We are all Singaporeans, but the fact remains that we are Singaporeans made up of many races. It is harmful for stability and harmony if one important racial community is not adequately represented in Parliament, where our laws are passed, where government policies are debated. That community is bound to feel aggrieved, resentful, and fustrated. And you cannot blame the community. Frustration will lead to communal distrust and distrust to friction. Eventually, sparks will fly. It would be a disaster for the Chinese community in Singapore if Singapore wakes up one day to find that we have an all-Chinese Parliament. Bill to establish GRCs This Bill seeks to prevent such an unhealthy situation from arising. It is the culmination of five years of discussion within the PAP leadership, including the Malay MPs. It is the best mechanism we can think of, amongst all proposals considered. It seeks to ensure that Parliament will always be multi-racial by requiring some constituencies to be contested on a group basis. These will be larger constituencies, each having about three times as many voters as single-member constituencies. They will be represented by three MPs each. Parties contesting in these constituencies or GRCs must put up a team of three candidates. Of the three candidates, one must come from either the Malay community or another minority community. Thus, if there are 13 such larger constituencies, at least 13 Members of Parliament will come from either the Malay community or another minority community. This way, GRCs overcome the problem of voters picking candidates only on their personal attributes and ignoring the larger need for a racially balanced slate of candidates in Parliament. Whichever group wins, whether it is the PAP's group or the Opposition's group, there will always be a multi-racial group. This way, voters can still vote on the basis of who can serve them best, and yet return a racially-balanced slate of candidates to Parliament. Multi-Racial Politics - Larger Objective of Bill This Bill also has a larger objective beyond merely guaranteeing that Parliament would always be multi-racial in character. It makes it necessary for all political parties to adopt a multi-racial approach in their competition for seats in Parliament if they hope to form the government. Constituencies to be contested by multi-racial teams of candidates will require political parties and their candidates to take a moderate, multi-racial approach when campaigning instead of a communal or racially extreme approach. Let me explain. In a GRC, one of the three candidates must come from the minority community. In other words, in a GRC, there will always be someone coming either from the Malay community, Indian or another minority community. There would be at least two ethnic groups in a team of three contesting in a GRC. In fact, it is possible to have a team comprising candidates coming from three ethnic groups. Each will provide a check on other. It will provide a check on another candidate who may be tempted to exploit communal sentiments in order to win votes. For example, if a Chinese candidate were to go around campaiging talking about "that Indian man", that Indian man in his team would also loss electoral support. And the loss of support for that Indian man in his team would also affect him. Ther is therefore a vested interest to force candidates in the team to take a moderate multi-racial line in campaigning. This is a self-check mechanism in the GRC. Since GRCs will have a multi-racial team of candidates, this Bill, once passed, will require all parties to field a racially balanced slate of candidates if they want to win power. GRCs will produce almost half the number of MPs. Whichever party wants to win power in Singapore must contest in them. It cannot just contest in single-member constituencies. That will be an open admission of its failure to field a multi-racial team. Just like the Member for Potong Pasir who admitted just now that in the last elections, he could only field four candidates from one community. Any party intending to assume office must act and offer itself as an alternative government and must move into centre ground to win Malay votes, and Indian votes besides Chinese votes in order to capture power. A party which does not do so and contest only in the single-member constituencies is unlikely to be able to win power. It is unlikely that such a party fielding candidates from one or two communities only can sweep all the single-member constituency seats. This is the larger purpose of the Bill for Team MPs - to require all parties which aspire to form the government to enhance and practise multi-racial politics and policies. It is the philosophical underpinning for Team MPs. Details of the Bill Now, I shall deal with the details of the Bill. Clause 3 enables the President to declare a certain number of constituencies where Parliamentary elections will be held on a group basis. Such constituencies will be known as Group Representation Constituencies (GRCs). Each group will have three candidates and this clause allows the President to stipulate that one of the three candidates in every group shall be a person belonging to the Malay community, or a person belonging to any other minority community. This clause also limits the number of MPs to be returned by all GRCs to half the total number of MPs to be returned at a general election. In the next election, if the total number of MPs remains at 79, the number of GRCs will not exceed 13, or 39 MPs. There will be at least 40 seats where opposition parties which cannot field a team of multi-racial candidates can still contest. Such opposition parties are not shut out by this Bill. Clause 3 stipulates that no by-election will be held to fill any vacancy unless all the three members of that GRC have vacated their seats in Parliament. This is to ensure that no Member who has been elected under a GRC will be forced to vacate his seat through the departure of his team-mates, for whatever reason. Clause 6 requires all three candidates in a GRC to belong to the same political party, or if they are independent candidates, standing as a group, contesting under one common logo. This requirement is to ensure that each group of three candidates contesting in a GRC share generally the same political values and can work as a team to serve the constituents. It is to discourage marriages of convenience for the purpose of contesting in a GRC. Clause 6 also defines the phrase "person belonging to the Malay community". Clause 6 also requires any person who desires to contest as a candidate from the Malay or other minority community to apply to the appropriate committee for a certificate stating that he belongs to that particular community. The appropriate committee shall decide and its decision will be final. The members of the two committees shall be appointed by the President on the nomination of the Presidential Council for Minority Rights. They must also be members of their appropriate community. The purpose of this certification is, firstly, to ensure that the minority communities are properly represented by people who are accepted as members of their communities and, secondly, that there is no dispute over this point on Nomination Day. Clauses 10 to 15 spell out the procedure and conduct of an election in GRCs. Each voter in any GRC will have one vote. He votes for a group of candidates and not for the candidates in the group separately. The group of candidates receiving the highest number of votes will be declared elected. The three candidates in the group thus elected will serve as Members of Parliament for that GRC. Clauses 16 to 26 make consequential amendments to the Act arising from the introduction of the electoral system for group representation. Clause 17 provides for defeated candidates in a GRC to qualify for non-constituency seats: (a) If the highest percentage of votes among defeated candidates is from a GRC, all the three non-constituency seats will be occupied by the three candidates from the GRC. (b) If the second highest or third highest percentage is returned by candidates from a GRC, then the three candidates are to determine which of them should occupy the two or one non-constituency seats (as the case may be). If they fail to agree, the decision will be made by ballot. (c) If there is a tie between candidates in two GRCs, the decision as to who among them will occupy non-constituency seats will be made by ballot. Mr Deputy Speaker, Sir, before I conclude, let me reiterate the objectives of this Bill. This Bill seeks to institutionalize the practice of multi-racial politics by requiring all political parties to field multi-racial teams of candidates to contest in Group Representation Constituencies if they aspire to win power. This will at the same time ensure that Parliament will always be multi-racial in composition. It underlines the commitment of the Government to the building of a multi-racial society through representative and democratic government. Strengthen multi-racial framework of Parliament All multi-racial societies contain underlying forces which, if not wisely managed, will tear them apart. Loyalty to one's own community, to race, to one's religion and language is stronger than loyalty to the nation, particularly if that nation is a new one and has many races. Singapore is a beautiful, peaceful country, but the same primordial human emotions exist here as elsewhere in other multi-racial societies, like Sri Lanka, Lebanon, Fiji, Cyprus, Northern Ireland. For Singapore to remain a beautiful, peaceful country for many more generations, it is wise of us to strengthen the political framework before it is weakened by disillusionment, despondency and despair when one community finds itself thrown out of Parliament by the electoral system. Questions to ask yourselves The questions you have to ask yourselves, and answer, when debating this Bill are: (1) Do you believe in taking steps to encourage the practice of moderate, multi- racial politics and to discourage the practice of extreme, communal politics in Singapore? (2) If you do, should we not take precautionary steps to ensure that Parliament will always remain multi-racial? (3) If your anser is "yes" to both questions, can you think of a better alternative than Team MPs in Group Representation Constituencies to achieve these two objectives? Better alternative than GRCs? GRCs stand for multi-racialism. If any of you have a better suggestion to achieve this objective, we are ready to listen. We have always been prepared to hear you out. That is why we discussed the concept of Team MPs publicly for about a year before introducing this Bill in Parliament. The Issue The issue before us is not GRCs per se. It is whether we should entrench in our Constitution the right for all communities - Chinese, Malay, Indians and Others - to be always represented in Parliament. The GRC is only a means to an end. It is the best means we can think of. It is democratic. You retain the right to elect the government you want. You still have your one vote. You still choose the MPs you want to represent you except, in the case of the GRCs, you elect a group of three MPs. All three MPs in the group will serve you, and not just one of them. Whichever group of MPs you vote in, whether it is the PAP's or the Opposition party's, the result is a multi-racial Parliament; always. Your democratic right remains intact. Singapore's future is safeguarded. Relationship with Constitution (Amendment) Bill Sir, the provisions of this Bill are closely related to the provisions in the Constitution (Amendment) Bill which is next on the Order Paper. Much of what I say on this Bill will therefore also be relevant to the Constitution (Amendment) Bill. To avoid having a repetitious debate later, I would urge Members who wish to speak on the concept of GRCs and multi-racial Parlia- ment to make their substantive points in this debate on this Bill. As the Bill is politically important, I intend to refer the Bill to a Select Committee. Sir, I beg to move. [Applause.] Question proposed.